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331.
Randall Lockwood Ph.D. Rachel Touroo D.V.M. Jaime Olin J.D. Emily Dolan Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(6):1687-1692
Two hundred prosecuting attorneys completed a survey concerning priorities in taking on animal cruelty cases and the factors that help or hinder prosecuting such cases. Respondents commented on the priority given such cases. Questions also addressed specific kinds of evidence that had been used to decide whether to take on a cruelty case and were used in court. Results showed that prosecutors most frequently relied upon “traditional” sources of evidence, including detailed medical and crime scene reports and good quality photographic evidence. Other sources of forensic evidence such as DNA, computer forensics, forensic accounting, blood, and trace evidence were rarely employed. Veterinary forensic evidence, including forensic necropsies and detailed medical reports, was viewed as an important factor by a majority of prosecutors in deciding whether to accept a case for prosecution and in achieving a successful outcome, but a need for additional training for investigators was indicated. 相似文献
332.
警察心理压力问卷调查分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
警察职业是高风险、高负荷、高强度的"三高"职业,压力普遍较大。压力是外界要求与个体自身能力、或个体价值需求与外部条件不相匹配而产生的难以应付的身心紧张状态。通过对在职民警的警察心理压力问卷调查及相关分析、差异检验等实证的分析,进一步认清警察心理压力的产生。 相似文献
333.
Obscene or nuisance phone calls are particularly targeted towards women. Employing data from two sweeps of the British Crime Survey a decade apart (BCS 1982 and BCS 1992), this work attempts to measure the effects of individual socio-economic characteristics and victimization history of women in England and Wales on their likelihood of receiving at least one nuisance call. To make the logit modelling analysis more tangible, risks of nuisance calls are calculated from our models of five hypothetical women, single mother, professional, student, housewife and pensioner, with specific attributes taken from the set of explanatory variables. 相似文献
334.
Defensive Gun Uses: New Evidence from a National Survey 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The number of civilian defensive gun uses (DGUs) against criminal attackers is regularly invoked in public policy debates as a benefit of widespread private ownership of firearms. Yet there is considerable uncertainty for the prevalence of civilian DGUs, with estimates ranging from 108,000 (using the National Crime Victimization Survey) to 2.5 million (using smaller telephone surveys) per year. In this paper we analyze the results of a new national random-digit-dial telephone survey to estimate the prevalence of DGU and then discuss the plausibility of the results in light of other well-known facts and possible sources of bias in survey data for sensitive behaviors. Because DGU is a relatively rare event by any measure, a small proportion of respondents who falsely report a gun use can produce substantial overestimates of the prevalence of DGU, even if every true defensive gun user conceals his or her use. We find that estimates from this new survey are apparently subject to a large positive bias, which calls into question the accuracy of DGU estimates based on data from general-population surveys. Our analysis also suggests that available survey data are not able to determine whether reported DGU incidents, even if true, add to or detract from public health and safety. 相似文献
335.
It is a reliable though unexplained feature of national surveys that include items on gun ownership that wives are less likely
to report a gun in the home than husbands. In this article we extend the inquiry regarding this gender gap in reporting of
household guns to include adolescent children (age 12–17 years). The California Health Interview Survey of 2001, the largest-ever
state survey of its kind, includes over 4000 marital households in which both a parent and adolescent child were interviewed
and asked whether there was a gun in the home. There is little “age gap” in reporting—California teens are almost as likely
to say that there is a gun as are their parents—but there is a gender gap among both the teens and their parents. We also
find a large gap in personal experience with guns—boys are three times as likely to report hunting or shooting with a family
member than girls. This difference in experience fully accounts for the gender gap in reporting. The relevance of these findings
for the interpretation of survey data is clear. Whether there is a gun reported in a home depends to a remarkable extent on
which member of the household is asked the question. Hence, the method of selection of respondent(s) from within a household
will affect estimates of the patterns and prevalence of gun ownership, and, potentially, the accuracy of case–control studies
that use self-report information about guns in the home.
相似文献
Philip J. CookEmail: |
336.
本文从省内各高校之间存在的缺乏有效沟通,重复建设、重复工作等问题出发,分析了全省各高校英语专业本科的教学计划和培养方案,对各校英语专业开课现状进行了分析并提出了几点反思。 相似文献
337.
刘知音 《中国人民公安大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,23(5):104-109
当前长江水域治安形势严峻,水上从业人员流动性大,侵财案件多,群体性事件突出,治安灾害事故频发。长江水域治安管理工作存在的主要问题是:涉水管理部门工作缺乏协调,水上巡逻防控力量不足,治安情报信息不畅通等。构建完善的长江水域治安防控体系,必须整合行政资源,形成长江水域治安防控合力;建立水上巡逻防控网络,增强预防控制犯罪的能力;建立新型的群防群治网络,增强社会防控能力。 相似文献
338.
Frederick W. Turner II 《Police Practice and Research》2019,20(2):122-138
Despite the dramatic rise in use of militarized weapons, equipment, and tactics by police departments across the nation, no study has examined the opinions of those responsible for designing, funding, and implementing police militarization in the United States. Therefore this study collected and analyzed opinion data from 465 key stakeholders from the 114th Congress U.S. House of Representatives, law enforcement executives, and local police officers regarding police militarization. Results suggest that while most practitioners and policymakers favor police militarization, Congress and law enforcement differ in support of critical issues such as oversight of military procurement programs, use of surplus military weapons and vehicles, and overall support for the militarization of policing in the United States. 相似文献
339.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):273-301
Empirical examination of individual-level survey data on national identity, in general, reveals a significant relationship between religious affiliation and an individual's international-policy preferences and that this relationship varies across Protestant denominations. Specifically, we test attitudes toward import and immigration policies, the role of international institutions, and unilateral policy actions. The empirical results indicate that individuals affiliated with conservative Protestant denominations are more likely to support positions on international issues that can be regarded as consistent with the anti-globalist right. We also find evidence of a reinforcing regional effect among conservatives in the south, and differences in the preferences of Baptist and non-Baptist African Americans. 相似文献
340.
Hugh Cortazzi 《Japan Forum》2016,28(3):394-412
AbstractSince the Japan Festival in the UK in 1991 some significant studies in English have been published about Anglo-Japanese relations. Two sets of volumes stand out. These are the five volumes in the History of Anglo-Japanes Relations 1600–2000 and the ten volumes in the series Britain and Japan: Biographical Portraits which have covered up to six hundred British and Japanese personalities and themes. Some aspects of Anglo-Japanese relations and some personalities deserve further attention. Cultural exchanges have developed greatly in the seventy years since the end of the Second World War and merit research and analysis. Considerably more detailed work needs to be done on Anglo-Japanese trade and financial relations and on Japanese investment in the UK and British investment in Japan. 相似文献