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101.
刘大可 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2005,(4):25-30
柳子明先生是近代韩国的抗日志士、著名的园艺学家、农学家和教育家,是中国人民的亲密朋友。他的大半生都生活在中国,在华北、华东、华南和西南各省都留下他的足迹和辛勤的汗水。其中,他在福建的活动前人了解不多,但十分值得注意,从中体现了他强烈的事业心、高尚的人道主义和国际主义思想,以及鲜明的民族观、浓厚的爱国情怀、探索性的科学观。 相似文献
102.
中国西藏与南亚边贸问题探讨 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
本文分析了中国西藏与南亚边贸发展的状况,探讨了影响中国西藏与南亚边贸攀升的主要因素,在此基础上针对性的提出了进一步扩大中国西藏与南亚边境贸易的若干措施。 相似文献
103.
中、日、韩农产品贸易争端分析及中国的对策 总被引:5,自引:1,他引:4
中国加入世界贸易组织 (WTO)后 ,中、日、韩 3国之间的农产品贸易领域进一步扩大 ,同时其贸易争端也与日俱增。尤其是蔬菜、水果等农产品的双边贸易摩擦日益加剧。面对中、日、韩 3国农产品贸易形势的新变化 ,中国应当审时度势 ,加快农业技术引进 ,增加农产品的科技含量 ,从而提高农产品质量和国际竞争力 ,并采取各种灵活的措施应对可能出现的贸易摩擦 ,更好地维护自己的利益。 相似文献
104.
Jonathan W. Kuyper 《Swiss Political Science Review》2015,21(1):158-179
Experimentation is often thought to be a key quality of any legitimate democratic system. Employing global parliamentary proposals as a heuristic, this article suggests that top‐down models for global democratization – proffered by liberal cosmopolitans and world government scholars – may create path‐dependencies which foreclose options for experimenting with alternative institutional designs in the future. Drawing upon historical institutionalism, the structure, sequence, and setting of top‐down proposals are outlined to show how experimentation with other forms of democracy may be constrained in problematic ways. Following this assessment, the article suggests that striving for democratic values under a pluralist arrangement of global governance may facilitate incremental institutional development and promote experimentation over time. 相似文献
105.
A lack of monitoring and evaluation on the outcomes of livelihood recovery programming has typified many post-disaster recovery initiatives. This article uses a case study of the 2006 Yogyakarta, Indonesia earthquake to analyse longer-term impacts of livelihood programming after disaster. The article includes an overview of the programming implemented in five case study villages and the perspectives of impacted populations on the livelihood interventions. Results indicate the importance of longer-term programming, early interventions, local leadership, and an integrative strategy focusing on replacing assets, providing capital and credit to jumpstart entrepreneurial activities, capacity and skills building, and developing markets and networks. 相似文献
106.
Stephanie Lawson 《圆桌》2015,104(2):209-220
AbstractOf all the island states of the Southwest Pacific, Fiji’s foreign relations have been the most fraught since the advent of independence in the region, due largely to a succession of coups d'état. These have invariably precipitated adverse responses from major partners and aid donors, notably Australia, New Zealand, the United States and the European Union. The last coup in 2006 also unsettled relations in Fiji’s more immediate region, especially among some of its smaller Polynesian neighbours, contributing to Fiji’s unprecedented suspension from the Pacific Islands Forum. This article reviews Fiji’s foreign relations from the time of independence in 1970 through the period of successive coups to the 2014 elections. It also examines Bainimarama’s strategies in extending foreign relations in the broader international sphere as well as issues surrounding the ‘normalisation’ of relations with its traditional partners. 相似文献
107.
Gordon D. Cumming 《圆桌》2015,104(4):473-488
AbstractInternational organisations active in Africa are often criticised for their ineffectiveness. So too is the European Union (EU), which is also accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU’s capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa’s longest-running civil wars and the first ‘genocide’ of the 21st century. It begins by outlining the EU’s record in Darfur and the North–South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill’s ‘capabilities–expectations model’, it then questions whether the EU’s ‘capabilities’ (resources, instruments, unity) were ‘fit for purpose’ in Sudan’s hostile target setting. It concludes by identifying settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and by suggesting that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles. 相似文献
108.
Maxi Schoeman 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2015,22(4):429-445
South Africa proudly wears the label ‘emerging power’, with its membership of the BRICS and G20 probably the most visible signs of this conferred status. This paper explores the concept of the emerging powers within the context of current global power shifts and locates South Africa within this group. It discusses the criteria for and characteristics of emerging powers, and then turns to some of the constraints and challenges faced by these states. Specific attention is paid to the ‘how’ of these states' recognition and inclusion in global institutions and the impact of domestic conditions and regional politics on their positions, focusing particularly on South Africa. It concludes that these factors will continue to challenge South Africa's ability to rise above the semblance of importance conferred by its inclusion in the category of emerging powers to a position in which it exercises this status to its own advantage, including its idealistic objectives of promoting greater global equality and recognition for Africa and the global South. Although other emerging powers face similar challenges, South Africa's domestic constraints and related lack of regional and global reach, politically and economically, threaten its ‘status consistency’ as an emerging power. 相似文献
109.
Chris Landsberg 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2015,22(4):479-495
With South Africa having declared itself a developmental state, this paper posits that if a developmental state is one that drives development, then the foreign policy of such a state should pursue development as one of its most important goals. Similarly the diplomatic corps of such a state should prioritise economic, commercial, para- and public diplomacy as drivers of diplomacy. In answering the question, ‘What should be the foreign policy and diplomatic attributes of a developmental state?’, the authors, through an exploratory approach, seek to analyse how well the state has fared in achieving this objective. To be a successful developmental state, a strategic capacity should exist and a clear strategic conception of the state's national interest should be formulated. Old paradigms about the role and functions of the diplomatic corps are challenged and a meritocratic diplomatic corps is strongly advocated to support the state's declared developmental goals. 相似文献
110.
Mukul Kumar 《Development in Practice》2015,25(1):124-132
In the process of urbanisation villages are becoming parts of cities or towns, and are becoming almost irreversibly transformed as a result. Erstwhile villages, now parts of cities and towns, are on the margins of an urbanising India. They are lagging behind other parts of the cities in terms of receiving basic urban services and infrastructures. Urban development processes should look at the specific issues and concerns of these villages independently from the need and scope of planning for the city at large. This would make the transition from rural to urban status fair and inclusive for erstwhile villagers. 相似文献