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31.
This paper will examine Plaid Cymru's experience in government from 2007 to 2011. Drawing on literature on autonomist parties, parties in government for the first time, and Strøm and Müller's policy/office/votes framework, the paper examines where strategic 'trade-offs’ were made and what the consequences of such trade-offs were. The paper takes a qualitative approach, using semi-structured interview and documentary data. The paper finds that Plaid Cymru valued the policy-seeking potential of office at the expense of vote-seeking ones because of the importance of 'autonomist' goals, namely the 2011 referendum which saw primary law-making powers granted to the Welsh Assembly. Furthermore, the experience of governmental office exposed organizational vulnerabilities in the party's leadership structures which undermined the ability to construct an effective vote-winning strategy at the 2011 Welsh election, where the party lost four seats.  相似文献   
32.
Following a likely relative shift from Labour to SNP in the Scottish Parliament elections of 3 May 2007 the eight year Labour/Liberal Democratic Party coalition will come under great pressure and may be replaced by a minority administration or a Liberal Democrat/SNP coalition. While the independence issue may be sidelined, key constitutional issues will arise as a result of the Liberal Democrats' proposals featuring in Moving Towards Federalism which envisage greater legislative and taxation powers for the Scottish Parliament and a reconsideration of the devolution settlement. A number of weaknesses in the documents' proposals are identified. If it is acted upon there is the possibility of considerable resulting constitutional conflict arising which could pose considerable challenges for the future of the UK. The UK government which has actual competence on these issues has largely stayed silent on them during the campaign but may have to respond sensitively in its aftermath.  相似文献   
33.
This article examines changes to the National Assembly for Wales committees and how they act as markers that help explain the dynamics of a significant and contemporaneous constitutional journey. It uses as its backdrop recent constitutional and political change in the UK, particularly that initiated by devolution. Uniquely, we draw upon management theory as well as political science to explain why changes in the focus, identity and profile of Assembly committees represent significant markers or reflectors of constitutional shifts. We suggest that examining key components within the internal architecture of parliaments at different stages of development offers an additional and complementary level of institutional analysis. Our review of the Assembly committees reveals that they have reflected the pace and shape of change in Welsh devolution, and that shifts in their profile and operation offer another insight into devolution, whilst also reflecting wider institutional and political change.  相似文献   
34.
1987年以来,马来西亚经济持续高速发展,第二产业和第三产业的迅速发展为该国国民提供了广阔的就业市场,农村城镇化的成功又使得绝大多数的劳动力进入到人力资源市场,加之政府积极的就业政策、网络、报刊杂志、职业中介机构等的推动力量,这些都促成了马来西亚统一的人力资源市场的形成。然而,种族思想与大量外劳的存在使得其人力资源市场在供求机制、竞争机制、人力资源开发等方面不同程度地存在着不足。  相似文献   
35.
This article addresses committee scrutiny undertaken through the three main UK devolved institutions (the Scottish Parliament, the National Assembly for Wales and the Northern Ireland Assembly). This is undertaken using a framework derived from scholarship about House of Commons select committees and a substantive comparative literature. Devolved committee scrutiny is thus compared and contrasted in relation to a three-phase analysis in terms of selection, evaluative and output elements.

The findings are also discussed in relation to core elements of institutional theory – institutional path dependency, ideational path dependency, the logic of appropriateness and the logic of consequence. This connection is used to develop several testable theoretical propositions concerning committee scrutiny. Findings about UK devolved committee scrutiny (and also scrutiny undertaken through House of Commons select committees) are also related to scholarship about local government scrutiny in Britain and contrasts and similarities specified. Furthermore, some testable theoretical propositions are applied to British local scrutiny.  相似文献   
36.
The level of local fiscal autonomy is widely regarded as an important indicator of the state of central-local relations and the capping of council tax increases has proved to be one of the most contentious of all of the constraints placed on local authorities by UK central government. Over the last decade the devolved administrations in Scotland and Wales have moved away from capping in favour of a more consensual approach. This decision reflects the difference in scale and nature of their policy communities and appears to have been at least as successful in controlling increases in local taxes as the more directive, top-down strategy favoured by policymakers in England. The current UK government's proposals to promote local referenda rather than ministerial diktat as the means of controlling council tax levels represents a potentially important new but as yet unproven approach.  相似文献   
37.
American scholars identify strategic human resource management (SHRM) with human resources (HR) system and firm performance. Major definition of SHRM is human resource management (HRM)-firm performance relation. HR system is important to set HRM-performance link, because HR system includes interrelated HRM practices. Most prominent set of SHRM is interrelated HRM practices, because it establishes the link between individual performance and firm performance. There is a debate in SHRM theory what factors set relationship between HRM and performance. This study argues that individual performance is a moderator between HR and performance. Interrelated HRM practices are important to enhance individual performance. Therefore, interrelated HRM practices are crucial to SHRM. Finally, American scholars view that HR system is important in SHRM, because it establishes high performance work system (HPWS), and HPWS is expected to increase individual performance and then firm performance. Therefore, American model of SHRM might be HPWS, individual performance, and firm performance. HR systems establish HPWS. Therefore, scholars tend to system approach in SHRM, because it includes interrelated HRM practices in SHRM.  相似文献   
38.
Governments undertake extensive planning of many services and functions, but tend to neglect planning of public service workforces. Disruptions to public service delivery, such as shortages of nurses and doctors, have rejuvenated interest in workforce planning, but many organisations struggle to do it effectively. This historical study examines the capacity of central personnel agencies to predict workforce risks and support workforce planning, using a study of the Queensland public service. It identifies lack of workforce data as a barrier to effective workforce planning, as a result of factors such as changes in the direction of the central personnel agency, lack of appreciation for the value of comprehensive central workforce data, and limited agency human resource (HR) skills or capacity.  相似文献   
39.
The devolution of legislative and executive powers to the different parts of the United Kingdom has meant that, because of the asymmetric arrangements made, there has been an increase in policy divergence from one part to another. Some of this has been intended, some unintended. With reference, in particular, to Scotland and Wales this article focuses on the asymmetric consequences of devolution which derive specifically from the jurisdictional or 'legal system' differences across the United Kingdom. These affect the conditions under which law-making powers may be devolved, the 'management' of devolution and the rights enjoyed by citizens. It is argued that the devolution of 'legal system' competence carries with it problems quite different from those associated with the devolution of other powers.  相似文献   
40.
While devolution has provided a stronger political voice for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland since the late 1990s, it is only in the past few years that English public opinion appears to have become exercised by the lack of similar arrangements for England. The renewed debates over the character of the Union after the Scottish independence referendum reveal a desire for ‘fair treatment’ of England within a Union conceived as a partnership of equals. At the same time, numerous proposals have been made for devolution of power within England, reflecting long‐held concerns about the territorial hegemony of London. Solutions to the former issue include English votes for English laws and an English Parliament. Solutions to the latter include city‐regions, strengthened local government, the first of these appears to be the government's preferred route, in the light of the recent ‘Greater Manchester Agreement’. However, none of these ‘solutions’ can count on being implemented.  相似文献   
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