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881.
Georgia Oman 《Women's history review》2020,29(2):308-330
ABSTRACTIn 1892, the Senate of the University College of North Wales in Bangor conducted an enquiry into the behaviour of Frances Hughes, Lady Principal of the women’s hall of residence, for defamatory remarks she had made about one of her students. Her accusations instigated a scandal that rocked the provincial college to its core, led to two separate libel lawsuits, and was even mentioned in the House of Lords. Using the ‘Bangor College Scandal’ as a case study, this article explores how student life in the new civic universities of the late-nineteenth century was shaped by regulation and supervision, as university authorities sought to avoid controversy through limiting mixed-gender interaction. It will argue that this control was often manifested in spatial terms, enabled by the deliberate design and arrangement of university spaces. 相似文献
882.
新时代推进农民远程教育具有重要意义,其既是完善基层治理体系的需要,也是提升农民科学文化素养的需要。安徽省在推进农民远程教育方面积累了一些经验,包括出台规章制度、搭建适宜的学习平台、注重教学理念变革等,但面对新时代新情况新要求,农民远程教育也面临一些困境。对此,本文提出以下对策:注重宣传教育,形成正确的认知理念;树立协同发展理念,提升推进效果;优化学习资源供给体系;强化师资力量,增强师资队伍合力;制定发展规划,落实主体责任;建立相应的考核激励机制;提升社会力量参与效能。 相似文献
883.
西方协商民主的演进同民主的发展关系紧密,考察民主发展轨迹能够更好把握西方协商民主的内涵;考察协商民主的理论基础能够更好了解西方协商民主的核心理念与发展困境.西方协商民主在西方国家发展受阻,是因为其所秉持的公共话语理念与公共责任理念同西方政治制度存在着不可避免的冲突与矛盾.分析西方协商民主的发展困境,能够为中国发展社会主义协商民主提供一定的借鉴与启示. 相似文献
884.
Erin Trouth Hofmann 《后苏联事务》2018,34(1):1-16
Turkmenistan has experienced increasing educational migration, and many of these students hope to return home after graduating. The ability of returned migrants to succeed in Turkmenistan’s labor market is complicated by a variety of factors, including variation in educational quality across countries, intrusive state regulation of foreign education, and Turkmenistan’s large informal sector. Based on a survey of 98 Turkmen citizens, this study compares the career trajectories and perceptions of the labor market of people educated in Turkmenistan to those educated elsewhere. Because men and women undertake different strategies of educational migration, it also compares patterns of labor market integration by gender. Country of education does appear to matter for employment in Turkmenistan, but the effect is most prominent immediately after graduation. Women were less likely to be employed in Turkmenistan, partly because they were more likely to have been educated abroad, and more likely to have a partner abroad. 相似文献
885.
张丹 《北京政法职业学院学报》2021,(1):111-116
中国古典诗文体现着中华历代圣贤和文人志士的思想、智慧,蕴含着中华民族的精神品格。作为中国传统文化的精华,古诗文以其无可取代的精神力量,在提升学生语文素养的同时,发挥着独有的教化功能,实现着"立德树人"的根本任务。高职语文教学要通过对古诗文中蕴含的思政要素的深入挖掘,引导学生树立和坚持正确的民族观、国家观、文化观,实现古诗文在情感教育、道德教育和政治教育中的育人功能。 相似文献
886.
Research has demonstrated that paternal incarceration is associated with lower levels of educational involvement among fathers and primary caregivers, but little is known regarding caregiver educational involvement when mothers have been incarcerated. In this study, we present the first analysis of variation in school- and home-based educational involvement by maternal incarceration history, pairing survey and interview data to connect macro-level group differences with micro-level narratives of mothers’ involvement in their children's education. Our survey data demonstrate that children of ever-incarcerated mothers experience increased school-based educational involvement by their primary caregivers, regardless of whether the caregiver is the mother herself. Our interview data point to compensatory parenting as a key motivating factor in educational involvement, wherein a caregiver endeavors to “make up for” the child's history of maternal incarceration. Findings add to the literature demonstrating maternal incarceration as a distinct experience from both paternal incarceration and material disadvantage alone, and they suggest the need to explore the role of schools as potential points of productive institutional involvement for mothers with an incarceration history. 相似文献
887.
The article claims that, following devolution, increased proximity will increase policy capacity by changing the form of policymaking and providing greater scope for policy tailoring. The hypothesis is tested against devolution of higher education responsibility in Scotland and Catalonia. Results show that devolution did not entail the development of the same form of policymaking in the two regions, but it nonetheless permitted the implementation of policies and tools that were both in contrast with global trends in higher education policy. 相似文献
888.
Igor Chirikov 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):338-344
This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period. 相似文献
889.
Natalia Forrat 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):299-337
This article argues that Vladimir Putin's regime launched support programs for the leading Russian universities in 2005 because of a perceived threat of the political mobilization of youth, similar to the one that triggered “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine. The support programs created cleavages in the university community, covered an attack on university autonomy, and made the containment of possible anti-regime student mobilization a part of an implicit agreement between the regime and the universities. The historical coincidence of the “demographic hole,” which caused a shrinkage of the higher education market, and high oil prices, which provided the necessary resources for the regime, made this implicit agreement possible. The article contributes to the research on authoritarianism, youth mobilization, authoritarian backlash after the color revolutions, and the development of research universities in Russia. 相似文献
890.
James Meernik Nenad Golcevski Melissa McKay Ayal Feinberg Kimi King Roman Krastev 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2016,16(3):413-431
Key to the success of peacebuilding and social reconstruction in the former Yugoslavia are the attitudes of these young people. Our goal in this paper is to explore young people’s attitudes about the prospects of reconciliation vis-a-vis those with whom their nations were formerly at war. In particular, we examine three sets of factors. First, we contend that the level of contact among people engendered by the segregated educational systems affects the attitudes of the young about the possibility of reconciliation. We suggest that those who are able to interact more frequently with fellow students from other ethnic groups will be more likely to believe in the possibility of reconciliation. Second, we contend that attitudes of young people about which ethnic groups were responsible for the violence in the former Yugoslavia and the efforts of the international community to bring truth and justice will strongly influence attitudes. Finally, we examine other factors such as education and the influence of gender on reconciliation. 相似文献