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181.
卡扎菲时期的利比亚持有多重身份认同。其中,阿拉伯认同、伊斯兰认同以及非洲认同在不同时期对利比亚外交政策发挥着不同程度的影响。从认同视角看,卡扎菲时期利比亚对非洲外交政策大致可以分成两个阶段:在卡扎菲执政的前20多年时间里,利比亚对非政策主要受到阿拉伯和伊斯兰认同的影响;从20世纪80年代末开始到卡扎菲政权垮台,利比亚对非政策的重点转移到了撒哈拉以南非洲,主要受到非洲认同的影响。卡扎菲政权垮台的结局说明,对于非洲各国来讲,国家认同是首要的核心认同,而非洲认同是相对次要的认同。  相似文献   
182.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):281-290
What determined Russia's national interests and grand strategy in the first decade after the Cold War? This article uses aspirational constructivism, which combines social psychology with constructivism, to answer this question. Central to aspirational constructivism are the roles that the past self and in-groups, and their perceived effectiveness play in the selection of a national identity and the definition of national interests. This article explains why Russian political elites settled on a statist national identity that focused on retaining Russia's historical status as a Western great power and hegemon in the former Soviet Union and in engaging the country in bounded status competition with the United States.  相似文献   
183.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):261-268
The importance of status concerns on Russia's foreign policy agenda has been increasingly observed. This preoccupation with status is particularly visible in Russia's relations with the West. Although strong claims about status in Russian foreign policy are frequently made in public and private by researchers, journalists, politicians, diplomats and other commentators, such claims often lack any closer theoretical or empirical justification. The aim of this introductory article is, therefore, to outline the basic components that form the research agenda on status. Status, if properly examined, helps us understand not only Russian foreign policy, put also present-day international politics and its transformation in a broader sense.In a first part, we identify the theoretical voids concerning the study of international status. In a second part we outline the drivers and logic of status concerns, considering in particular identity theories, psychological approaches and existing research regarding emotions. The presented research agenda on status, derived from International Relations and related theories, provides a well-structured tool-box for investigating the link between status, identity and emotions in Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis the West. In a third part we present the key questions rose by the contributors to this Special Issue and summarize their main findings.  相似文献   
184.
This article explores and compares the positions of two major powers in East Asia—China and Japan—towards the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) norm. R2P calls for collective international responsibility in the event that states are unwilling or unable to protect their people. Evaluating the mainstream argument in the literature that China and Japan have recently been welcoming the R2P norm, we ask the following questions: To what extent have China and Japan aligned themselves with R2P? How do international and national factors play out to influence their R2P stance? To summarize our findings up front: unlike what much of the current literature says, China and Japan's acceptance and practice of the R2P norm are largely pro forma. We argue that they both appear active in participating in the debates but only in order to remain inactive. In other words, they are active participants in the debates and discussions on R2P, but their aim is not to further its usage but to contain its effects. Their current stance on R2P is characterized by what we will call ‘Active in Not Being Active’ (AINBA). The article discusses the key sources and rationale for their AINBA policy with regard to R2P.  相似文献   
185.
哈贝马斯认为应该利用法的规范性建制推动共同政治文化的形成来构建欧洲集体认同,但是,这种观点并不完善。事实上,通过对集体认同内涵的澄清和欧洲历史、现状的分析可以发现,欧洲集体认同应该从两个向度展开分析,即政治文化和一般社会文化。欧洲集体认同存在的困境也正是在这两个向度下拆分的。与这些困境相对应,其构建也应该通过促生这两种文化的认同而进行,而欧洲公民身份的确立可以作为一座连接两种文化语境的桥梁。  相似文献   
186.
当前中欧关系评析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,基于地缘和历史的相互信任、经济结构的互补性以及共享的多边主义理念,中国和欧盟在发展全面战略伙伴关系的道路上稳步前行。随着近期欧盟主要国家领导人的更迭,以及欧盟自身一体化道路的一波三折,中欧关系也出现了一些新的变化,这些变化反映出欧盟对整体国际形势的判断,以及对华立场和观念的调整。因此,如何正确评估当前中欧关系变化的现状和影响,是我国制定对欧政策、发展中欧长期伙伴关系的基本出发点。  相似文献   
187.
In this article, I use Alastair Johnston's concept of strategic culture re-visited through a critical constructivist perspective to analyze the representations of India's strategic culture and nuclear policy choices. In doing so, I explore how the representational practices of (and the mutually-constitutive relation between) India's nationalist identity/Self and its strategic environment, facilitated via its political leaders’ ideological lenses, have produced shifting representations of India's strategic environment to justify the nation's nuclear policy choices. In exploring this representational linkage between India's strategic environment and its nuclear (in)securities, I am cognizant that anarchy is a challenge facing India's task of nation-making and thus realism serves as a partially valid explanation for understanding the logic proliferation. Yet, my study demonstrates how culturally guided interpretations of what constitutes the Indian Self have divergently re-interpreted India's strategic environment and (in)securities to define the nation's nuclear policy choices.  相似文献   
188.
Populists argue that Islamic immigrants are fundamentally different from Europeans. As evidence, they point to notions of religious and cultural identity. Such arguments have popular resonance. As more mainstream politicians pick up on these themes, they begin to take on an air of common sense. Nevertheless, they are mistaken. Europe has a long track record of reconciling competing identities. This has happened by focusing on patterns of interaction (solidarity) rather than obvious indicators of distinctiveness. Using the examples of the Netherlands and Turkey, this article illustrates the wide spectrum of European approaches to the challenge of getting different groups to share the same geographic space.  相似文献   
189.
青少年期是童年向成年的过渡时期,是青少年个体确立同一性以及产生同一性混乱的重要时期,青少年在该阶段生理和心理都产生了巨大的变化,如何成功度过该阶段受社会环境的深刻影响。不同社会环境如家庭环境、学校环境、社会生活环境、同伴群体环境等对青少年心理有重要的影响,必须优化以上四项社会环境以对青少年心理产生正面的影响。  相似文献   
190.
ABSTRACT

This paper examines whether economic or socio-psychological concerns determine anti-immigration attitudes in South Korea, in an effort to address regional asymmetries in existing immigration studies. An analysis reveals that labour market competition and fiscal burden concerns do not affect anti-immigration attitudes, but xenophobia, the conceptual views of citizenship, and the expectation of the impact of immigration on the national economy determine anti-immigration attitudes, a result in keeping with existing studies of anti-immigration attitudes in European or North American countries. However, when policies have humanitarian dimensions, the ethno-cultural views of Korean identity tend to reduce anti-immigration attitudes, a finding that runs counter to the empirical results from studies in the Western context. In addition, multiculturalism appears to affect anti-immigration attitudes when measured in terms of general immigration policies, but not when specific immigration groups are referenced. I conclude by discussing the implications of these new findings.  相似文献   
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