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451.
超大型国家治理中的地方法治试验及其制度约束 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
地方法治试验既能够激发地方政府的创造性,又能够科学有效地规范地方政府权力运作。竞争动力学理论从经济发展产生的内生性驱动和官员晋升锦标赛产生的外在压力两方面,解释了地方法治试验的动力机制。中国采取“政府集权+行政集权”模式在促进国家统一同时,扩大了国家的治理规模,增加了国家的治理负荷,引发了超大型国家治理的结构性难题。中央试图通过允许地方进行法治试验的方式,来解决这一难题。它能够在统护法律统一的前提下,及时调整中央集权与分权的程度。中央通过宪制约束、组织约束和政策调控等多种手段,加强对地方法治试验的约束,确保国家整体主义体制结构的实现。地方法治不是一个脱离中国整体法治而存在的本体论意义上的概念,而是一个具有强烈方法论意义的概念。 相似文献
452.
David Blazar Blake Heller Thomas J. Kane Morgan Polikoff Douglas O. Staiger Scott Carrell Dan Goldhaber Douglas N. Harris Rachel Hitch Kristian L. Holden Michal Kurlaender 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(4):966-1019
Can a school or district improve student achievement simply by switching to a higher-quality textbook or curriculum? We conducted the first multi-textbook, multi-state effort to estimate textbook efficacy following widespread adoption of the Common Core State Standards (CCSS) and associated changes in the textbook market. Pooling textbook adoption and student test score data across six geographically and demographically diverse U.S. states, we found little evidence of differences in average achievement gains for schools using different math textbooks. We found some evidence of greater variation in achievement gains among schools using pre-CCSS editions, which may have been more varied in their content than post-CCSS editions because they were written for a broader set of standards. We also found greater variation among schools that had more exposure to a given text. However, these differences were small. Despite considerable interest and attention to textbooks as a low-cost, “silver bullet” intervention for improving student outcomes, we conclude that the adoption of a new textbook or set of curriculum materials, on its own, is unlikely to achieve this goal. 相似文献
453.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2014,59(222):313-352
Analyses of political change in Mexico since the government shift achieved in July 2000 have been undertaken with a focus on the democratic political transition that led to the so-called alternation, that is, from the stance of a classical approach about State transformations that led from an authoritarian stage to democratization. Analytical approaches in Mexico concerning political change are focused on the undeniable democratic practice at the ballot boxes; however, the outcomes' transparency, the adoption of a new regime, and the procedural condition of the young Mexican democracy make it appropriate to consider this shift from the realist view of the exercise of power and major mechanisms for the establishment of élites' political-governmental decisions. Thus, pragmatism is put forward as an alternative political approach. This article intends to establish that political change in Mexico has gradually changed from its past condition as an authoritarian State to become a pragmatic State, favored by the advent of governmental technocracy, globalization, the market, the us hegemonic ideology, and the obvious involvement of corporate elites contained in State power institutions. 相似文献
454.
目的观察通督调神针刺法对血管性轻度认知障碍患者的疗效,以及对血清脑源性神经营养因子(brain derived neural nutrition factor,BDNF)、血浆同型半胱氨酸(homocysteine,Hcy)水平的影响。方法将61例血管性轻度认知障碍患者随机分为治疗组(31例)和对照组(30例),对照组患者口服药物多奈哌齐治疗2个月,治疗组除口服多奈哌齐外还予通督调神针刺法治疗4个疗程。采用简易智力状态检查(mini-mental state examination,MMSE)量表、蒙特利尔认知评估(Montreal cognitive assessment,MoCA)量表评价患者治疗前后认知水平变化,采用酶联免疫吸附法检测血清BDNF水平,循环酶法检测血浆Hcy水平。结果与治疗前比较,治疗后两组患者MMSE评分、MoCA评分均明显增加(P<0.05);治疗组与对照组MMSE和MoCA评分差值比较,差异均有统计学意义(P<0.05)。与治疗前比较,两组患者治疗后血清BDNF水平显著升高,血浆Hcy水平显著降低,差异均有统计学意义(P<0.05);治疗组血清BDNF水平升高程度、血浆Hcy水平降低程度均显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。两组基于MMSE评分的疗效比较,治疗组优于对照组(P<0.05)。结论通督调神针刺能够提升血管性轻度认知功能障碍患者的认知功能评分,提高相关细胞因子的表达水平,降低相关危险因素的影响。 相似文献
455.
Nir Gazit 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(1):83-103
The study of the relationships among social agency, spatial practices, and political power opens new directions for empirical
inquiry and theorization of current modalities of sovereignty. Yet, recent research has overemphasized external variables,
such as globalization and international forces, as conditioners of sovereignty and state power, with diminished attention
on national and local realms. In the following article, I investigate state power beyond the limits of its official boundaries,
by examining how intruder states produce, manage, and sustain effective authority over occupied territories and populations.
I use the example of the Israeli occupation in the West Bank to demonstrate how such cases of political authority are based
on fragmented sovereignty: comprised of multiple, localized, and relatively autonomous cores of power, instead of an all-encompassing structural and
centralized modality of control. I propose that fragmented sovereignty is shaped and operated through the increasing autonomous
power of ground level state agents and in the ways spatial perceptions and practices are interwoven into localized political
processes.
相似文献
Nir GazitEmail: |
456.
蒙古国自1989年底开始受苏联东欧剧变的影响,颁布实施1990年的过渡性宪法。实行多党制、两院制的议会制。即第四部宪法。在此基础上经一年多的酝酿之后于1992年1月13日颁布了现行宪法。新宪法颁布实施近8年之后,于1999年12月24日由在议会中拥有席位的三党修改宪法。蒙古国通过本次修宪削弱了总统、宪法法院甚至议会少数党委员们的权力,扩大和加强议会多数党及其领导的权力,其结局是权力大集中。 相似文献
457.
邱玉梅 《中国青年政治学院学报》2001,20(2):55-59
根据我国现行刑法第396条之规定,私分罚没财物罪是指司法机关、行政执法机关违反国家规定,将应当上缴国家的数额较大的罚没财物,以单位名义私分给个人的行为.此罪是1997年刑法新增设的罪名,目的是为了预防和打击司法机关和行政执法机关利用其职务便利私分罚没财物的行为. 相似文献
458.
459.
保护性管辖权是国家行使刑事管辖权的重要表现形式,我国《刑法》通过设定3年最低刑期与双重犯罪原则这两个限制性条件,明确了保护性管辖权的适用规则,从而为我国维护国家安全提供了一定的法律指引。国家安全是一国的首要利益,有效维护国家安全是国家得以安身立命的根本保障,故在行使保护性管辖权以维护国家安全时,应当树立绝对保护的坚定立场。我国现有法律关于保护性管辖权的规定存在一定的适用困境,完善保护性管辖权对于维护我国国家安全具有重要的理论意义和实践价值;有必要完善我国保护性管辖权的现行法规定,从而为更加切实有效地维护我国国家安全奠定法律基础,并且有必要不断贯彻与落实总体国家安全观。 相似文献
460.
刘昊 《江苏警官学院学报》2020,35(2):32-38
关于危险犯的法定危险状态出现后,行为人积极消除法定危险的行为是否构成犯罪中止的问题,涉及危险犯既遂标准学说的反思和统一,意义重大。“肯定说”与“否定说”分别在解释学和立法学的立场上对此问题说明。“肯定说”试图改变危险犯的既遂标准的做法不仅未能自圆其说,反倒引发了理论矛盾,暴露出其缺乏平衡性思维、缺少体系性考虑和缺少必要的概念辨析的问题。既然承认危险犯是以法定危险状态的出现作为既遂标准,那么行为人消除危险状态的行为不应构成犯罪中止。 相似文献