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901.
Like many other political actors, the extreme right is currently expanding beyond national borders, and, as with any civil society organization, the Internet is assuming a growing role in achieving this goal. To date, however, this topic is understudied. In this article, aiming to empirically filling this gap, we shall explore the new tactics of the extreme right in Europe and the USA in the context of transnational politics. Namely, we investigate the degree and forms of extreme right transnationalization (in terms of mobilization, issues, targets, action strategies, and organizational contacts) and the potential role of the Internet in these developments. The analysis combines qualitative and quantitative data derived from 54 interviews with representatives of extreme right organizations in six European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and Spain) and the USA with a formalized Web content analysis of 336 right-wing websites. We will compare different types of right-wing groups which compose the radical right family (from political parties to associations), underlining the main differences and similarities across groups and across countries. 相似文献
902.
Robert Norton 《圆桌》2015,104(2):113-125
AbstractThe tendency for ethnic conflict to dominate political life has impeded attempts to achieve leadership and equitable government for the multi-ethnic nation and caused crises of political instability. A review of the past attempts to achieve national leadership through electoral competition illuminates the historical context of the turbulent political process of the last decade. Overcoming the impasse of ethnic conflict is the central objective of the military-based regime which continues to rule following the first parliament elections since the 2006 coup against an ethno-nationalist government and the first based on a full common franchise and the prohibition of invidious ethnic appeals in campaigning. Inter-ethnic cooperation and cross-ethnic voting were stronger features than in past elections and perhaps augur well for achievement of the elusive broad-based national leadership. 相似文献
903.
Steven Ratuva 《圆桌》2015,104(2):137-149
AbstractDiscussion of intra-communal discourse in Fiji has often been overshadowed by the focus on inter-communal tension. Although the two are linked in dynamic ways, it is important to have an insight into some of the fundamental ideological schisms that have shaped inter-communal politics because they do shape the form and trajectory of national politics in a significant way. This was so during the 2014 election when the two leading political parties, FijiFirst and the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA), put in significant resources and effort into mobilising Taukei (indigenous Fijian) votes. The differences between the two parties represented the two sides of the Taukei political divide. FijiFirst pushed for fundamental reform and transformation of the Taukei society whereas SODELPA was protective of neo-traditional institutions and values, and the collision between these divergent ideological stances was a central political battle ground in the election. 相似文献
904.
Adam Sneyd Alexander Fomin Legwegoh Lauren Q. Sneyd 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(1):141-161
Food security is political. The identification of food insecurity and the development and implementation of responses to it are enveloped in layers of politics and power. This politics might not be as readily apparent in emergency situations where broad agreement on the need for a response is evident. But in the everyday governance of food it must not be forgotten that food security is a contested concept. This article offers a preliminary elucidation of this politics in the Central African context. To do so it presents findings from an analysis of publicly available information and media reports. This analysis hones in on the perspectives of differently situated stakeholders on food security imperatives in the Central African Economic and Monetary Community. To identify similarities and differences in the levels of emphasis different stakeholders place on different aspects of food security, the authors employ Olivier De Schutter's understanding of the relevant dimensions. Specific terms used in the presentation of food security information are associated with one of the three dimensions of food security advanced by De Schutter: availability, accessibility and adequacy. In light of this analytic approach, the article finds that stakeholders – including businesses, civil society groups, governments and multilateral and bilateral partners – do not necessarily articulate similar viewpoints on food security. There is simply no unified view on what should be done to advance food security in Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo-Brazzaville, Equatorial Guinea or Gabon. That being said, the article does identify intriguing areas of convergence. 相似文献
905.
Vladimir Gel'man 《Russian Politics and Law》2015,53(5-6):6-26
The article attempts to analyze the mechanisms of political control used by the Kremlin vis-à-vis its rivals. Russian authorities had opted the politics of fear, which include overt intimidation and public discrediting of the regime's critics, and selective persecution and open harassment of opposition activists and/or supporters. This approach to political control to some degree reproduced similar mechanisms that had enabled regime survival in the late-Soviet period, and fit general trends of repressive policies in a number of contemporary authoritarian regimes. The article discusses causes and mechanisms of the politics of fear in contemporary Russia, its roots in comparative and historical contexts, and strengths and weaknesses of repressive policy in Russia from the viewpoints of the regime, the opposition, and Russian society. 相似文献
906.
赵莲英 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2009,17(3):59-61
在信息化的知识经济时代,高校学报面临产业化、市场化、信息化的挑战,提高编辑的思想政治水平和各项专业素质,是学报质量提升的重要因素。 相似文献
907.
从“三权分立”到“政治行政二分”中,都提及了“行政”一词,在日常学习研究中,人们会质疑隶属于两大思想下的这一概念是否包含了相同的含义,若相同,它们有什麽联系呢?若不同,两思想各自对于“行政”一词的内涵又是如何定义的呢?本文试图从这两大思想产生的历史背景及理论内容封“行政”的概念作出新的辨析,剖析西方政治思想和行政学研究的发展路径。 相似文献
908.
陈吉利 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2007,7(3):30-33
先秦儒家从伦理政治转换为专制主义有三种逻辑,孔子遵礼而肯认礼所体现的专制王权;孟子思想中潜含对专制王权的否定,但孟子将君主作为既成事实完成了统治价值向不忍人之政的转换;荀子从人性恶出发,逻辑完整地得出专制主义,成为后世专制王权的最好粉饰。不过,若将荀子思想中残存的理想主义拉回其思想的逻辑起点,或许可以迈向宪政的权力结构。 相似文献
909.
Julie Trottier 《Contemporary Politics》2008,14(2):197-214
Various definitions of water crises emerge from epistemic communities deploying a great disparity of methodologies and fundamental hypotheses. Scientists' perceptions of which power structures legitimately carry out water management affect their definition of a crisis, their capacity to ask questions and the manner they formulate them. This determines the stakes and the actors they can observe or the scale of analysis they find relevant. This leads some to recommend a ‘solution’ that appears to be a disaster to others. This article examines how three epistemic communities have each built their science by promoting very specific understandings of what is a water crisis. Proponents of the ‘global water crisis’ spawned Integrated Water Resources Management while proponents of the ‘municipal water crisis’ locked the perception of water equity within the Millennium Development Goals. Researchers on small-scale irrigation and property regimes have often disagreed with such recommendations, often presented as inevitable. 相似文献
910.
张光宇 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2008,(6):54-60
在现代社会里,政治体制、政治权力或政治体系不可避免地要同刑法发生一定的关联作用,并且为刑法注入了各自不同的政治特质,于是就形成刑法独特的政治品格。如果以边缘刑法学的视角对此展开分析,那么,刑法与民主政治、政治人物和政治形势之间的关系可以成为理论研判的对象。因为这些关系在互动的情态下能够真实地还原刑法在阶级社会里的本质属性,从而明确民主刑法所应有的政治品格,而这一切还将有助于拓展刑法学人的研究视野以及刑事立法者对刑法的科学定位。 相似文献