大学生思想政治教育工作亟需改进

加强和改进大学生思想政治教育,提高他们的思想政治素质,是每位教育工作者应尽的义务。高校教师必须提高思想认识,高度重视此项工作,在教育教学中不断探索和实践。同时,高校要加强校园文化的建设,充分利用有利于人才培养的优秀文化去感染学生,达到对大学生进行思想政治教育的目的。     

第三代政治传播及其对政治的影响

以新媒介的崛起为标志,第三代政治传播成为影响政治生活的重要力量。它颠覆了传统的权力关系,使政治生活变得更加复杂。认识和把握第三代政治传播及其基本特征,分析第三代政治传播对现代政治的影响,有利于更好地运作政治权力,促进政治发展,维护社会稳定。第三代政治传播的主要特征表现为：政治传播媒介立体化发展、政治传播深刻影响政治关系、政治传播职业化发展、政治活动营销化、政治传播互动性增强等。第三代政治传播深刻影响着政治的诸多方面,包括对政治体系的影响,对政治过程的影响,政治生活的娱乐化,使西方民主政治经历了一个螺旋式的循环过程等。     

Informal politics: the role of Congressional letters in legislative behaviour and careers

Members of the United States Congress are cross-pressured by constituents, party leaders, the president, and even by their own career goals. Yet, they are limited in their time and resources, and must maximise the tools available to them. Given that Congressional letter writing to the president as a tool available to all members occurs so widely, such behaviour informs a deeper understanding of how legislators seek to professionalise as politicians in competitive national politics. Utilising a data set of nearly 13,000 Congressional letters across eight Congresses, the author finds that letter writers systematically differ from non-letter writers, shedding light on the value of letter writing in Congressional behaviour and career aspirations, as well as the drivers behind this form of behaviour. Letter content varies based on the institutional and individual characteristics of the letter writer, suggesting members differ in how they view and use this tool.     

Dying to win: Elections,political violence,and institutional decay in Kenya

This paper examines the lessons learned from Kenya's 2007 post election violence and what has happened since then. It notes that the root causes of the violence still persist, have not been addressed, and easily could be reignited. Faced with a situation where institutions and the rule of law have been weakened deliberately and where diffused violence is widespread, both Kenya's transition to democracy and the fate of the nation remain vulnerable. The argument here is that the problems faced in holding and managing elections in conflict situations often are not simply technical. Instead, in Kenya and elsewhere, many difficulties are symptomatic of larger political and institutional questions related to democratic change that are more difficult to analyze in causal terms or to address.     

The discourse on Japanese commitment to Africa: The planning process of the fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV)

TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes.     

Governing Morality Issues through Procedural Policies

Abstract: Morality issues such as the death penalty, drug consumption, gambling, and same‐sex‐marriage often constitute intractable policy controversies. Classical “morality politics” scholars predict two types of governmental responses to such public problems: either a substantive policy design if there is a broad consensus among electoral constituencies or a non‐decision if there is a fundamental clash of values. We argue that the adoption of a procedural policy design represents a third option. Providing empirical evidence on the plausibility of this hypothesis, we compare the Swiss regulation of four morality issues in the medical field: reproductive medicine and embryo‐related research; abortion; euthanasia; and organ transplant. In fact, “moral values” frames are not always dominant, as the multi‐dimensionality of each morality issue allows for concurrent policy frames promoted by various policy actors.     

期许与无奈——辛亥女性参政问题的性别化透视

辛亥革命时期,我国女性解放从对人格平等的憧憬开始向着政治觉醒的方向转化。女国民意识是这一时期女性政治意识觉醒的重要标识和女权运动的主要内容。女性革命先驱们期许革命时尽国民之责任,也期待革命成功后与男子共享国民之权利。南京临时政府成立,女性心怀憧憬,提出了女子参政的要求,并为此掀起了民初的女子参政运动。但女子参政要求不仅遭到了袁世凯北京临时政府的否决,在以孙中山为首、由革命派控制的南京临时政府也没有获得通过。女子参政运动的失败,体现着鲜明的性别歧视面相,也与女性的弱势与性别认识上的误区密切相关。     

对公安院校大学生思想品德教学中开展廉政教育的思考——以湖南警察学院为实证研究对象

对公安院校大学生开展廉政教育,是引领大学生健康成长、实现公安院校人才培养目标和从源头上增强公安队伍廉政素质的客观需要。湖南警察学院坚持“政治建校、政治育警”,将政治合格作为人才培养的首要目标,积极推进廉政教育“进课堂、进教材、进头脑”,取得了显著的成效。要进一步增强廉政教育的实效性,必须对大学生开展系统性的廉政理论教育,深化廉政教育课堂教学改革,切实加强师德师风师能建设。     

理想的幻灭：民国初年政党政治的夭折与反思

民初的政党活动史成为中国政党政治的肇始,是中国从传统君主集权体制向近现代民主政治的转型阶段,也是中国政治现代化进程的重要拐点。以现代分析维度对其予以科学、理性的探讨,是对我国现代政治文明进程应有的历史性评判。民初政党政治的实践虽以失败告终,但作为近代中国政治发展史上的重要路标,不仅是辛亥革命后中国民主思潮继续发展的产物,更成为反对封建专制统治的重要成果,而其夭折的根本动因则在于中国数千年的社会政治经济结构。     

论20世纪50—70年代爱欲叙述中的性别政治

在中国革命胜利之后,为了社会秩序稳定,也为了聚拢、集结人们全部身体力量为革命建设服务,国家意识形态加强了对爱欲的管束与治理,革命伦理建立了压抑个人爱欲快感、崇尚奉献牺牲的革命爱欲观。然而,从性别政治角度考察,不论是“十七年”时期压抑爱欲的革命文学叙述,还是文革时期彻底剔除爱欲的激进文学叙述,写作者的性别立场仍潜在规约与影响着文本对男女两性性别角色的认知和建构。男作家的革命文本叙述也隐含着男性中心主义文化立场,而女作家的革命文本却在革命规范之内做着隐蔽的突破,试图为女性解放找寻合理路径,为女性寻求更加开阔的生存空间。