Migration and patrilineal descent: the role of women in Kyrgyzstan

Migration processes in Kyrgyzstan have given rise to fundamental social and demographic changes, meaning that many villages and town quarters are inhabited nowadays solely by women, children and the elderly, whereas younger and middle-aged men live as migrants elsewhere. This article explores the role of women in the maintenance of a strong patrilineal descent system, in the absence of their husbands or sons. This is achieved by grandmothers who play a significant role in transmitting oral genealogies and passing stories on to their children. Another role of women lies in changing the names of male relatives of their husbands; while appointing whom one should marry is also of great importance. The role of mothers-in-law in the formation of their sons' marriage ties in the latter's absence points to the powerful positions of these women. The final point is that young brides continue to live with their parents-in-law – even if their husband does not – and they must be respectful brides.     

Who Migrates? Tracking Gendered Access to Migration Within Households “In Flux” Across Time

ABSTRACT

In Indonesia, traditional gender ideals tend to depict men as legitimate migrants while women who move are deemed “out of place.” This male migrant-as-breadwinner household arrangement has been complicated in the past 30 years by gendered migration systems and practices in Asia that favor women. Drawing upon a household survey (N = 1,203) and in-depth interviews (N = 55), we use “time tracks” (Robertson, 2014 Robertson, S. (2014). The temporalities of international migration: Implications for ethnographic research. ICS Occasional Paper Series, 5(1), 1–16. [Google Scholar]) to interrogate gendered dynamics within the household “in flux” (Huijsmans, 2014 Huijsmans, R. (2014). Becoming a young migrant or stayer seen through the lens of “householding”: Households “in flux” and the intersection of relations of gender and seniority. Geoforum, 51, 294–304.[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar]). Foregrounding active negotiations within migrant households, we illustrate the continuously changing gender relations as they interact with, and respond to, the gendered migration systems and practices over time.     

Refugees,Economic Capacity,and Host State Repression*

Does hosting refugees affect state repression? While there have been numerous studies that examine the link between refugees and the spread of civil and international conflict, an examination of the systematic links between refugees and repression is lacking. We contend that researchers are missing a crucial link, as the dissent-repression nexus is crucial to understanding the development of armed conflict. Drawing upon logics of the relationship between refugees and the spread of conflict as well as economic capacity, we argue that increased numbers of refugees lead to increased repression. We contend that willingness to increase repression when hosting refugees is in part conditional on a host state’s economic capacity. We argue that, on the whole, the greater the population of refugees in a host state, repression becomes more likely. That said, we argue that increased economic capacity will moderate this relationship. We find empirical support for both predictions.     

The Stein Rokkan Lecture 2016 Mission impossible? Reconciling economic and social Europe after the euro crisis and Brexit

During the crisis, the European Union's ‘social deficit’ has triggered an increasing politicisation of redistributive issues within supranational, transnational and national arenas. Various lines of conflict have taken shape, revolving around who questions (who are ‘we’? – i.e., issues of identity and inclusion/exclusion); what questions (how much redistribution within and across the ‘we’ collectivities) and who decides questions (the locus of authority that can produce and guarantee organised solidarity). The key challenge facing today's political leaders is how to ‘glue’ the Union together as a recogniseable and functioning polity. This requires a double rebalancing: between the logic of ‘opening’ and the logic of ‘closure’, on the one hand, and between the logic of ‘economic stability’ and ‘social solidarity’, on the other. Building on the work of Stein Rokkan and Max Weber, this article argues that reconciliation is possible, but only if carefully crafted through an extraordinary mobilisation of political and intellectual resources. A key ingredient should be the establishment of a European Social Union, capable of combining domestic and pan‐European solidarities. In this way, the EU could visibly and tangibly extend its policy menu from regulation to (limited, but effective) distribution, reaping the latter's benefits in terms of legitimacy. The journey on this road is difficult but, pace Rokkan, not entirely impervious.     

Refugees,economic migrants and weak cosmopolitanism

This article takes issue with several features of David Miller’s account of justice with respect to refugees and to economic migrants, as outlined in Strangers in our Midst. It suggests that even within the terms of his own weak cosmopolitanism, the requirements of justice are more demanding than he acknowledges. In particular, the argument advanced criticizes Miller’s ‘fair shares’ argument concerning obligations to refugees and his recourse to ‘mutual advantage’ in theorizing economic migration.     

Italy’s Migration Policies Combating Irregular Immigration: from the Early Days to the Present Times

Italian migration policies combating irregular immigration from the early 20^th century to the present times have been increasingly debated and controversial. Four phases are detectable: the absence of a legal framework while Italy was still an emigration country, the first regulations of the 1980s, policies influenced by both the European integration process and the increase in immigration until 2002 and, lastly, the country’s controversial approaches since 2004. What is noticeable is a dichotomy in Italy’s migration policies, with generally consistent internal measures and often contrasting external ones.     

Migration diplomacy in the Global South: cooperation,coercion and issue linkage in Gaddafi’s Libya

Despite a recent resurgence in research on the politics of migration, foreign policy analysts have yet to approach cross-border population mobility as a distinct field of inquiry. Particularly within the Global South, scant work has theorised the interplay between migration and interstate bargaining. This article proposes the framework of migration diplomacy to examine how mobility features in states’ issue-linkage strategies, in both cooperative and coercive contexts. Drawing on Arabic, French and English primary sources, it empirically demonstrates the salience of its framework through an analysis of Libya’s migration diplomacy towards its Arab, African and European neighbours under Muammar Gaddafi.     

广东省外劳动力流入的动力机制分析与提高其素质的对策

九十年代以来 ,越来越大量的省外劳动力流入广东 ,究其根本原因是本省就业机会的不断增多及省际间收入差距的不断扩大 ,但内流劳动力因其素质低下已成为阻碍广东经济发展的“瓶颈”。因此 ,政府亟待制定出解决劳动力有序流动及提高流入劳动力素质问题的对策     

俄罗斯的独联体劳动移民及相关问题分析

随着独联体经济一体化进程的逐步推进,劳动移民已成为独联体内部移民的主流,且劳动移民的流动具有单向性,即主要流向俄罗斯。俄罗斯境内独联体劳动移民规模的不断扩大引发了一系列经济和社会问题,独联体劳动移民问题成为困扰俄罗斯的一大难题。俄罗斯对独联体劳动移民的接收与拒绝的矛盾心态将构成其对独联体劳动移民政策的基础,限制性劳动移民政策将是其具体表现形式,且限制的内容将有所扩大。     

迁徙自由性质分析

迁徙自由作为公民的一项基本权利,被19世纪近代各国宪法予以确认,其根本原因是为了适应资本主义发展商品经济要求劳动力自由流动的需要,因而一开始它是以经济自由出现的,具有经济自由的性质。"二战"以后随时代的变迁,迁徙自由的内涵得到丰富和发展,由单一性的权利变为复合性的综合性的权利,随之其性质也发生了变化,具有了人身自由、经济自由、政治自由等多重属性。