试论人大监督权与司法独立

司法独立是司法公正的前提,保证司法的工作不受来自外界的不适当干预,才能保障法律的权威性。要实现司法公正也离不开对司法权的合理监督,而这种监督必须以尊重司法独立为前提。司法公正的实现,要求司法接受监督和司法保持独立这两项基本原则之间实现统一和协调。各级人民代表大会常务委员会对司法机关进行监督应遵循适当的原则与方式,人大监督必须以尊重司法独立为前提,必须把监督限制在一定的范围内,采取适当的方式和程序。     

捍卫的代价——臧克家与当代文学权威话语

“第一次文代会”不容置疑地确立了毛泽东文学思想在新中国文学中的权威地位,并让入明显感受到解放区的文学权威话语对来自国统区作家的压力。正是这一历史背景,促使“出身”于国统区的臧克家选择了积极认同根据权威文学话语建构的当代文学规范,以马克思主义、列宁主义、毛泽东思想的阶级论,历史唯物主义、辩证法、革命功利主义美学的观念,重绘了中国新诗史的政治地图,加入了崇奉文化领导权的行列。感恩心理是他笃信革命伦理,坚决捍卫革命文学规范的动力源之一。     

论行政权力在物权领域中的影响及其规制

物权作为一种典型的私权,在现代国家无不受到全面的保护。而物权的社会化,导致了行政权力涉足物权领域,而行政权在物权领域运行过程中,不可避免地会产生正反两方面的作用,它消极作用的集中表现就是行政权被滥用,侵犯物权人的合法权益。为了有效地抑制行政权的负面效应,发挥其积极的作用,必须通过多种控制手段对其进行全面而有效的合理规制。     

论遏制我国特殊利益集团的制度建设

在我国经济体制转变过程中,制度冲突、制度缺失和制度执行失范等现象普遍存在,为特殊利益集团的衍生提供了可乘之机。特殊利益集团掠夺和侵害社会公共利益,引发社会利益结构的失衡,激化社会矛盾,而社会矛盾的本质和根源是制度矛盾。因此,必须通过加强制度创新建设来有效遏制特殊利益集团。     

中国农民法律意识现状探讨

农民法律意识的内部架构是,法律意识淡漠与对传统伦理和乡土规范的青睐相伴。其成因是：简单经济关系使其亲近法律缺少利益的驱动;农村家庭的生产职能滋养了具有生产组织文化特点的儒家伦理;人治传统下法律的作用使其缺少对法律的利益感受。觉醒农民法律意识有益于：构建市场经济运动之基础和市民社会之人格——心理基础;塑造崇尚权利的现代法治和民主政治运行之逻辑习惯。     

网络社会与中国共产党的政治权威

网络社会在改变人类生产、生活方式的过程中,也给中国共产党的政治权威带来深层次的挑战。主要表现为：网络社会容易导致无政府主义;导致民众价值观念的多样化,造成主流意识形态的弱化;网络政治参与的＂膨胀＂易引发民众对现行政治体系的认同危机;网络在加大监督的同时也消蚀着党的形象和威信。要在网络社会中维护和提升党的政治权威需要做到：规范网络秩序,营造网络自律环境;加强网上舆论引导和网上理论阵地建设;畅通网络民意渠道,尊重民意;坚持党要管党,从严治党的原则。     

社会转型期高校师生关系的嬗变及其和谐发展

高校师生关系承载着大学的精神与文化,它是社会关系的一种表现,受到不同社会发展背景和文化背景的深层影响。在社会转型期,随着人们价值观念和行为习惯的变化,高校师生关系积淀的深厚传统文化元素也发生着时代性嬗变;建立新型师生关系成为当前高等教育人才培养工作中的重要课题。     

The local party voter: A localist anti-establishment voter?

In several countries, local parties have increased their share of votes in local elections. This development has received limited scholarly attention compared to the immense interest paid to the fates of national level anti-establishment parties. Against this backdrop, we ask if something distinct characterizes those who choose to vote for genuinely local alternatives compared to other anti-establishment voters. Sweden is taken as the case in focus, a country where local parties have grown in numbers and strength throughout the past three decades. We view local parties as a part of a broader ‘anti-establishment’ family, and we explore if their voters a) are similar to those who vote for the most pronounced anti-establishment party in Sweden (Sweden Democrats), or b) if local party voters are a distinct anti-establishment category in their own right. Drawing on a survey data from 49 Swedish municipalities, we find that local party voters indeed distinguish themselves from both Sweden Democrat's voters and voters for the old and established parties, thus making them a distinct anti-establishment voter category of their own. These voters distrust their local politicians but at the same time are civically engaged.     

China's new regulatory regime tailored for the sharing economy: The case of Uber under Chinese local government regulation in comparison to the EU,US, and the UK

Although Uber's arrival in China has resulted in disruptive competition for incumbent taxi companies, it offers an attractive alternative in China's supply-demand-imbalanced urban passenger transport system. China's regulatory regime for Uber has evolved in three stages: from the regulatory vacuum prior to 2015 to its official legalization in 2015–2016, and the enactment of numerous local regulations in 2016, with specific and more demanding requirements for Uber. This policy is a part of the Chinese approach to the gradual liberalization of the urban passenger transport market. Policymakers should consider ‘fair competition’ as the guiding principle to balance the interests of sharing firms and incumbent service providers, as well as between different sharing firms. The core value of this principle lies in the benefits it provides for consumers and the way it engenders a pro-competitive market environment. The labor protection arrangements for sharing firms’ laborers should be more flexible and diversified. In order to recognize whether an Uber-Driver is an employee or independent contractor, a new standard taking into account a range of factors should be established through collective negotiations between the participants of the sharing economy, and dialogues between members of the judiciary, academics, and the policymakers. Further, consumer protection law and personal data protection provisions should apply when sharing firms misuse their distinctive algorithmic management model to compete unfairly to the detriment of consumers and other users. Ex ante regulatory measures designed to protect the personal data of users should be introduced for deployment in the context of the sharing economy. When enforcing these rules, a balance should be struck ensuring free data flow that is essential to sharing firms’ innovation and competition, and the need to ensure the level of data security required to underpin a well-functioning sharing society.     

The Negligence Standard: Political Not Metaphysical

This contribution distinguishes two kinds of responsibility: the basic (or ‘metaphysical’) kind that we all inescapably have as functioning human beings; and the assignable (or ‘political’) kind that connects each of us with some particular tasks, and not with others. Having explored some differences between the two, and in particular the role of law's authority in connection with each, the discussion turns to the negligence standard, especially but not only as it figures in tort law. Recently, several philosophers have attempted to find a role for the negligence standard in the metaphysics of basic responsibility. This contribution resists that development and stands up for the traditional lawyer's view that the negligence standard belongs to the pliable politics of assignable responsibility. Basic responsibility, it is argued, is fundamentally strict.