法治一体建设地方试验型模式研究

我国法治建设实践样本观察显示,一种自下而上与自上而下相结合、坚持党的领导和坚持以人民为中心辨证统一的地方试验型法治一体建设模式已初步生成。地方试验、中央认可、稳步推广和法治固化是其运作的基本逻辑,分别构成了这一模式的基础、关键、重心和归宿。只有从法律规范层面健全正向激励和反向豁免机制,才能激活地方创新试验动能,助推法治一体建设快速生长。科学的法治建设试验评估指标体系的构建,有助于地方创新试验获得中央认可进而形成固化的法律制度,助推法治一体建设良性生长。对中国特色地方试验型法治一体建设模式内在机理的法理阐释和实践观照,能够进一步证成我国法治建设的自主型进路。     

The role of epistemic communities: local think tanks,international practitioners and security sector reform in Kosovo

ABSTRACT

Security sector reform (SSR) in Kosovo remains complex and challenging. The existing approach is heavily driven by international agencies. This article addresses the question: What role is played by local research in Kosovo’s SSR? This study focuses on the challenges that local research poses to internationally led SSR in Kosovo, and the contribution that local researchers make to the decision-making of international practitioners. In Kosovo, local research organizations produce research analysing and critiquing international SSR and offering alternative approaches. The study builds on existing studies of epistemic communities and research use in policy-making and new evidence based on the author’s interview survey of researchers and policy-makers in Kosovo. The article argues that focusing on the interaction between local researchers and international policy practitioners provides valuable insight into the construction of Kosovo’s SSR. The study deconstructs the structures, processes and agencies at the heart of the local/international relationship. It explains how local research on topics of security, justice and rule of law, and its interaction with international practitioners, challenges international SSR and contributes to international SSR decision-making.     

‘Soft’ forms of direct democracy: Explaining the occurrence of referendum motions and advisory referendums in Finnish local government

This study investigates ‘soft’ forms of direct democracy and identifies factors that explain their occurrence. Soft direct democracy refers to non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums, which the literature on direct democracy has largely ignored. Strategic motives have dominated previous explanations of the occurrence of initiatives and referendums, but are less useful in exploring non‐binding procedures of direct democracy. The article distinguishes four types of factors – socio‐structural, party system, political support and learning – and tests hypotheses on their effects with sub‐national data from Finland. The data enable us to compare two different types of instruments – non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums – while controlling for many unobserved factors. The findings show that erosion of political support, participatory traditions and policy diffusion explain the occurrence of bottom‐up referendum motions, while the last two together with small population and party system factors predict the occurrence of advisory government‐initiated referendums.     

近代中国的政治发展——以中央和地方关系的演变为维度

由外族入侵带来的民族压力促使近代中国开始了自救。在独立民族国家地位丧失的背景之下,近代中国政治发展艰难起步。为了谋求改变,政界和学界引入了大量迥异于传统中国的思想观念和制度模式。中央和地方关系的演变就是这一政治环境下的产物。通过中央和地方关系的演变历程,我们不难发现近代中国政治发展的基本特点：其开启来自外部挑战;其应对过程充满纠结;其发展主题随着社会环境的变化而变化;其总趋势是为了国家统一;其本身对政治现代化起到了推动作用。     

Exploiting the common pool or looking to the future? A study of free-riding leading up to the 2007 municipal amalgamations in Denmark

ABSTRACT

Municipal amalgamations can create incentives for opportunistic behaviour. Several fairly recent studies have examined this on amalgamations in Denmark and Sweden using the so-called law of 1 over n. However, they have yielded inconclusive results and I argue that one plausible explanation is a theoretical deficiency in the law, as it does not account for how future political representation can mitigate the incentive to free-ride. I examine this using large-scale amalgamations in Denmark in 2007. This case is quite unique as the amalgamations were implemented in such a manner that they constitute a quasi-experiment, and because an extra fiscal year was added to the election period where the composition of the new councils was known with certainty, while the municipalities retained some decision-making power. The study’s findings are consistent with the argument that the incentive to free-ride depends on the decision makers’ future political stake in the new, amalgamated municipality.     

Money,candidates, and mayoral elections

In this paper, we extend a well-trod line of research from congressional and state-level elections—the electoral impact of campaign expenditures and candidate characteristics—to a relatively understudied context, urban mayoral elections. Using a sample of large U.S. cities, we provide evidence that mayoral elections are very similar to elections at other levels of office: there is a tremendous incumbency advantage, one that is overcome only with great effort; campaign spending is closely tied to incumbent vote share but it is challenger rather than incumbent spending that seems to drive outcomes; and challengers are hopelessly outspent. In addition, we find that the effect of local economic conditions on incumbent success is mediated by challenger spending and that incumbent candidates fare better in racially diverse settings.     

Rhetoric in municipal amalgamations: a comparative analysis

ABSTRACT

There is a large literature that seeks to evaluate municipal amalgamations ex post, but a relative dearth of scholarly inquiry into the practical political task of persuading the public to accept amalgamations ex ante. We address this important gap in the literature by conducting a rhetorical analysis to ascertain what types of arguments are believed to be efficacious for persuasion on amalgamation. We find evidence to suggest belief in the efficacy of persuading the public through recourse to various projected dreadful consequences, particularly amongst opponents of amalgamation. We conclude by considering some of the reasons behind the observed rhetorics and briefly outline one possible solution.     

来华留学生影响因素的实证分析

中国一直被认为是世界上最大的留学生输出国,到目前为止,这一地位依然没有改变,但是被忽视的一点是,2011年中国已经成为世界第十大留学生接收国。研究发现,中国的研究与开发投入占GDP的份额、高等教育入学率,以及中国与十大来华留学生输出国的GDP差距是影响来华留学生的最主要的三大因素。但是,世界前500名大学排名中中国大学数量,在所有因素中影响作用最小。由此可见,就目前来看,相对于中国的经济增长来说,中国高等教育的质量并不是主要吸引留学生来中国学习的主要因素。但是,目的国的高等教育质量才是吸引留学生的最根本因素。因此,要进一步提升中国高等教育质量,保证我国留学生的教育的可持续发展。     

区域立法与中央和地方立法关系的完善

我国区域立法应定位为介于中央与地方立法之间的又主要依托于地方立法的、涵盖社会生活各个方面的特殊立法形式。区域立法主要由主体、权限、程序和协调机制四个基本要素构成。以区域立法为视角观察，当前我国中央与地方立法关系存在许多问题，如中央立法过于集权却未形成足够的权威、地方立法权配置失衡以及中央与地方立法权运作缺乏完善的协调机制。区域立法对于调谐我国中央与地方立法关系有着特殊而重要的意义。     

新时期公安派出所管理初探

公安派出所(警察署)要在新的历史时期更好地发挥基层基础优势和区域作战效能,必须改变那些静态型、表面型、低效型的管理方式,牢固确立服务保障、科技强警的意识,以素质提高促进效率提高,以机制改革推动管理规范,以优质工作确保满意效果,努力实现基础资料电脑化、治安防控动态化、执法活动规范化、队伍管理正规化。