我国财政绩效预算管理中存在的问题与对策

绩效预算是一种新的预算办法。我国在研究引进过程中存在认识上的误区,缺乏有针对性的制度规范,相关理论和实践不足,基础较为簿弱,科学化程序不足。文章认为应尽快制定相应的法律法规,建立正确的激励机制,构建科学的评价机制,做好宣传、培训、试点工作。     

The Contradictory Political Economy of Higher Education in the United Kingdom

The Coalition government's first Comprehensive Spending Review will cut 40% from university budgets by 2014. This will result in an increasingly tension‐prone political economy of UK higher education. As it is, the sector already sits uncomfortably astride the two distinct welfare models currently in existence in Britain. As the fees agenda has taken hold, university degrees have been increasingly susceptible to being rebranded as a strategic investment in the future, thus acting as an exemplar for the move towards an asset‐based system of welfare. Despite this, even in the post‐Browne world students will still not be charged the full market price of delivering degree programmes. Higher education institutions therefore continue to be redistributive mechanisms providing long‐term welfare‐enhancing transfer payments to their overwhelmingly middle‐class student base. The budget cuts and the associated changes to student finance will bring into stark relief the contradictions of serving two welfare masters at once.     

Leaders, voters and activists in the elections in Great Britain 2005 and 2010

Discussion of the relationship between parties and the electorate is often based on the notion of partisan constituencies, that parties adopt policy positions that correspond to the average position of the party supporters. In contrast, the Downsian “spatial model” assumes that parties are purely opportunistic and maneuver to gain as many votes as possible. A third, more empirical model, based on the early work of Stokes, assumes that voter choice is based on the evaluation of each of the party leader’s competence or ability to deliver policy success. Such an evaluation can be provided by individual voter overall assessment in terms of the leaders’ character traits.This paper attempts to relate these three classes of models by examining the elections in Great Britain in 2005 and 2010. Using the British Election Study, we construct spatial models of these elections in Great Britain as well as in the three regions of England, Scotland and Wales. The models incorporate the electoral perceptions of character traits. We compare the equilibrium vote maximizing positions with the partisan positions, estimated by taking the mean of each of the parties voters’ preferred positions. We define an equilibrium to be a stable attractor if the vote share at the equilibrium exceeds the share at the partisan position by a significant proportion (determined by the implicit error of the stochastic model). We infer that none of the equilibria are stable attractors, and suggest that the partisan positions are also preferred by the party activists, the key supporters of each party.     

政府创新的类型与特征——基于“中国地方政府创新奖”获奖项目的多案例研究

尽管关于中国地方政府创新积累了大量案例研究,但关于政府创新的属性、特征与类型的认识和理解仍然有待于进一步深化。利用"中国地方政府创新奖"五届共计100多个入围项目的内容分析,对中国地方政府创新的类型、特征与分布进行了经验研究。分析显示,管理创新、服务创新与合作创新是中国地方政府创新的主要类型,而技术创新与治理创新的重要性在逐步提升。东部地区的地方政府获得创新美誉的比例多于西部地区,其次是中部地区。党政机构仍然是中国地方政府创新的主力军,越来越多的社会团体和非营利组织也在加入创新的队伍。相比其他行政层级,地市和区县政府的创新精神更强。     

过去10年的中国地方政府改革——基于中国地方政府创新奖的评价

依据中国地方政府创新奖创办以来五届申请项目的资料,辅以问卷调查,对过去10年来中国地方政府创新的若干问题进行了讨论。这些问题包括中国地方政府创新的现实性、创新的分布、创新的类型、创新的动力和可持续性以及创新的影响力。研究发现,必须从中国社会政治发展的总体背景出发来审视丰富多彩的地方政府创新。这些创新多是从问题出发的,是对现有体制的充实和发展。但是,创新分布于不同的层级和部门,所以其对整体制度的影响也会由于层级、部门之间的矛盾而受到削弱。     

教育财政支出占GDP4％目标的实现与选择性政策执行——基于江西省县域面板数据的分析

现有的政策执行机制和地方财力是否能够确保1993年就已提出的“国家财政性教育投入占GDP4％”目标在2012年得到实现？江西省1997--2006年教育支出比重的变化显示,地方自有财力的增长并没有相应地提高教育的支出比重。中央的财政政策偏好对地方的财政支出结构有非常重要的影响。中国政策过程中的政治集权和干部管理上的组织控制,使得中央政府可以有效地影响地方政府的支出偏好,如果将教育投入比重达到GDP4％列为地方官员的政绩进行考核,并加大对欠发达地区教育的转移支付力度,就可以从改变官员的支出偏好和提供财力支持上保证这一目标的实现。     

现实选择与理性诉求:地方政府自身利益的实践逻辑

在现实生活中,地方政府自身利益是客观存在的。地方政府通过追求任期内政绩工程来实现官员的个人利益,通过机构扩张和预算最大化来实现机构利益,通过获取辖区财政资源来实现辖区共容利益。这种利益的实现是地方政府基于外在监督和内在收益而做出的现实选择。在外在监督缺失的情况下,地方政府对自身利益的追求导致政府行为的异化和扭曲,需要采取有效措施予以治理。     

联邦国家的中央与地方立法分权模式研究

联邦制的启示在于,要实现中央和地方关系的法治化,有必要从宪法上合理配置中央和地方的立法权。虽然联邦国家的中央和地方分权历经变迁,但还是有章可循,而联邦国家的立法分权模式为中国的中央与地方关系法治化提供了可资借鉴的经验。     

Neighborhood change and the city of New York's ten‐year housing plan

Abstract

This article examines neighborhood changes associated with New York City's Ten‐Year Plan—the largest municipal housing program in the United States. We examine indicators of change, in the context of two possible hypotheses about the program's impact: (1) neighborhood revitalization, including improved physical and housing market conditions, as well as gentrification, and (2) the concentration of poor and welfare‐dependent households, as well as the possibility of residential segregation by race or ethnicity.

Our results present a mixed picture, with some evidence favoring both hypotheses, especially when parts of the city, particularly the South Bronx, are examined separately. Specifically, the program is associated with steep declines in the rate of boarded‐up buildings and some indications of increased home values, as well as rent burdens. However, it is also correlated with increases in maintenance deficiencies and a greater proportion of poor, single‐parent, and welfare‐dependent households, but there is little evidence of accentuated residential segregation.     

我国地方行政程序立法的新发展

近年来,我国多个地方政府制定了行政程序规则,这在学界引起了较大反响和争鸣。这些地方行政程序立法的主要内容包括立法目的、原则体系、行政程序的类型、公众参与和信息公开、立法架构、制度创新等方面,其主要特点是回应性、创新性、民主性、程序实体兼顾性。我国地方行政程序立法仍有诸多后续课题需要研究。