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101.
Faith Mabera 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2016,23(3):365-384
Kenya matters regionally and globally. It is the economic powerhouse of East Africa and a long-standing hub for multilateral diplomacy; its positioning in a turbulent region has fashioned its profile as an anchor state in African peace and security. Until recently, Kenya's foreign policy orientation has situated it as a benign regional leader, but pressing developments in the regional and international environments have edged it towards a more assertive foreign policy position. This study constitutes a multilevel review of Kenya's foreign policy in the period 1963–2015, beginning with Jomo Kenyatta through to the current president, Uhuru Kenyatta. After evaluating contexts pertinent to the analysis of Kenya’s foreign policy, the fundamental principles, objectives and pillars of the current foreign policy are unpacked. 相似文献
102.
Jamey Essex 《Development in Practice》2016,26(3):346-359
Urbanisation in the Global South presents numerous challenges for international development institutions. Building from interviews at nine different international development institutions working in Jakarta, Indonesia, this article examines how such institutions approach urban poverty, governance, and collaboration. The case study of Jakarta indicates that urban governance is often fragmented and difficult for such institutions to navigate, making partnership with other, often local, actors and institutions with urban and on-the-ground expertise vital. International development institutions struggle to both address the unique characteristics of distinct urban areas and to develop widely replicable practices, strategies, and platforms for effective partnership and development intervention. 相似文献
103.
Enrique Alonso-Población Alberto Fidalgo-Castro David Palazón-Monforte 《Development in Practice》2016,26(3):262-271
This article reports on a project involving the development and release of an ethnographic film about the women divers of Atauro Island, Timor-Leste, and suggests a theoretical framework to interpret its outcomes. It describes the project aims and the filmmaking process, and reports on its results. In doing so, the paper explores the potential use of an agent-based concept of narrative capital focused on collective agents. The article suggests that the ideas of narrative capital and transformations of capital by collective agents can provide a valuable interpretative framework for the design, implementation, and analyses of results of development interventions involving filmmaking. 相似文献
104.
J.C. Gaillard Jake Rom Cadag Anthony Gampell Katherine Hore Loic Le Dé Alice McSherry 《Development in Practice》2016,26(8):998-1012
This article discusses the opportunities and challenges associated with the use of quantitative participatory methods and participatory numbers for integrating locals’ and outsiders’ knowledge, as well as actions from the bottom-up and top-down, in development. It places emphasis on the contribution of quantitative participatory methods and participatory numbers to foster dialogue between a wide range of stakeholders, for example, local people, NGOs, government agencies and scientists, who usually seldom directly engage with each other. The article draws on case studies that discuss remittances and disasters in Samoa, and disaster risk reduction in the Philippines. 相似文献
105.
A Randomized Comparative Effectiveness Trial of Two Court‐Connected Programs for High‐Conflict Families
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Sanford L. Braver Irwin N. Sandler Liza Cohen Hita Lorey A. Wheeler 《Family Court Review》2016,54(3):349-363
Parents who experience great amounts of legal conflict as they dissolve their relationship and arrive at their parenting arrangements require an outsize proportion of courts’ time and resources. Additionally, there is overwhelming evidence that conflict has a deleterious effect on their children. We partnered with the family court to conduct a study comparing the effectiveness of two programs for families deemed by their judge to be high conflict and thereby mandated to a program. Both involved one 3‐hour session; the existing program, Parent Conflict Resolution (PCR), used exhortational lecture and video; the newly designed experimental program, Family Transitions Guide (FTG), based on motivational interviewing, employed exercises attempting to get parents to decide for themselves what they needed to do for the sake of their children. Parents were assigned at random to one of the two programs (the literature often terms this a randomized clinical trial) and were interviewed just before it began and 9 months later, as was a child. Results showed that child's report of their own well‐being was significantly improved by FTG as compared to PCR and that these effects were mediated by children feeling less caught in the middle. On several variables, parent report showed that parents in PCR as compared to FTG felt decreased problems in co‐parenting and less interparental conflict, although the effects were not consistent across mother and father report. There was also evidence of diminished legal conflict over 9 months in FTG as compared to PCR. 相似文献
106.
民主社会主义实质就是一种社会改良主义。它主张在不触动现存资本主义统治的条件下进行改良,渐进地、和平地过渡到社会主义。在民主社会主义思潮的影响下,马克思主义指导地位被削弱,阵地被缩小,以致完全丧失。由此可以看出,民主社会主义与我们的科学社会主义是完全对立的两种意识形态。 相似文献
107.
XU Mingzhong 《中共铜仁地委党校学报》2008,(1)
革命文化是黔东宝贵的文化基因。充分认识黔东红色文化的价值,并对其准确定位,增强自我认同和形成广泛的社会认同,加强红色文化与其他文化的发掘和整合,有利于促进黔东文化的大发展大繁荣。 相似文献
108.
Charles Perrin 《Journal of Baltic studies》2017,48(3):363-380
During World War I, Martynas Jankus became the most well-known deportee in the Lithuanian-speaking world. This article uses a variety of sources, including his wartime letters, diary, and postwar memoirs, to explore which factors were the most important in enabling him to survive deportation, how representative he is of the larger population of deportees from East Prussia and their experiences, and how his life as a deportee was affected by laws and agreements at the international and domestic levels. 相似文献
109.
大东亚会议是日本为巩固和强化对占领地区的控制于1943年11月初主办的"首脑会议",是日本操纵下的一场徒具象征意义的检阅。对于伪满洲国来说,在大东亚会议的政治展示背后更具有深刻的内涵,标志着日本在太平洋战争后期对伪满洲国在其侵略体系中地位的强化与再确认。由此可见,日本精心策划的大东亚会议就是其在战局不利的情况下加紧强化对各仆从政权的控制而召开,并基本达到预期目的,促使伪满洲国进一步"国防国家化"。 相似文献
110.
ABSTRACTChina’s rise has been accompanied by a rise in nationalism. But what are the characteristics of this nationalism now being witnessed? Does it support China’s constructive engagement with the international order, or does it seek to assert China’s supremacy? These questions lie at the hub of a rapidly expanding secondary literature on the emergence of nationalism in China and its impact on China’s foreign relations. What is, however, absent from the academic discourse is the voice of the Chinese people themselves. What are their perceptions of the nation-state, and how do these beliefs shape their views of China’s relationship with East Asia? To address this gap, we conducted a series of large-scale surveys in Beijing between 2011 and 2013 on the twinned topics of domestic nationalism and international relations. Our findings, as reported below, represent an initial attempt to answer this final and, arguably, most critical set of questions. 相似文献