Robbing Peter to pay Paul: changing clientelist patterns in East Timor’s 2017 parliamentary elections

This article examines the adverse impact of clientelist relations between political parties and campaign donors on parties’ relations with voters. Clientelism is generally conceptualized as a vertical, pyramid structure, whereby resources are distributed from politicians to voters at the base through brokers or programmatic politics. As Gherghina and Volintiru¹1 Gherghina and Volintiru, A New Model of Clientelism.View all notescontend, what is often overlooked is that in tandem with this vertical relationship with voters there is a complementary horizontal relationship with party donors. Parties with a weak organizational base focus on relations with party donors, such as private contractors, at the expense of their relationship with voters. Drawing on fieldwork conducted during East Timor’s 2017 parliamentary elections, I engage with Gherghina and Volintiru’s framework to argue that a bi-dimensional approach is integral to both understanding electoral outcomes and economic trajectories in developing country contexts. In East Timor, despite a decade of rampant patronage politics, the incumbent CNRT party’s prioritization of their relationship with party donors cost them the election. In turn, this focus on party donors has distorted policy and public spending priorities, with severe implications for future development.     

The impact of orthodox terrorism discourses on the liberal peace: internalisation,resistance, or hybridisation?

This article examines the relationship between orthodox terrorism discourses and liberal peacebuilding, particularly where states are being reconstituted after a conflict. Drawing upon fieldwork in Sri Lanka, Palestine, Kashmir, Nepal, and Northern Ireland, our findings suggest that conflicts in which orthodox terrorism theory is deployed to explain violence are those in which there is little interest (by all parties) in dealing with root causes or achieving mutual compromise. This is so even though the liberal peace is commonly a claimed aspiration for most parties, apart from the most radical of non-state actors or authoritarian of states. They effectively reify both terrorism and state securitisation. The aspired to internalisation of the liberal peace framework has instead been supplanted by the politics of state securitisation and violent resistance. Liberal peacebuilding has become a nominal exercise in constructing virtually liberal states in which the security and integrity of core groups are partially maintained by orthodox terrorism praxis. To counter these dynamics, critical positions need to engage with agendas beyond liberal or cosmopolitan frameworks.     

儒家文化对东亚经济发展的双重影响

东亚地区在文化传统上与儒学有着深厚的渊源关系。儒家传统作为一种文化积淀 ,已深深地影响、制约着它所辐射的国家和地区。儒家文化虽然有它的博大精深之处 ,有些道德理想和价值观念在现代化的冲击下进入和成为符合现代市场经济的观念体系 ,并在东亚经济发展的初期发挥了积极的作用 ,但就其文化模式和观念体系而言 ,它毕竟是封建社会的产物 ,其负面影响不可避免。东亚各国的经济发展既有儒家文化的内在动因 ,当然还有西方现代理性文化的影响和催发。     

平等相待 真诚友好——中国与东帝汶建立外交关系10周年回顾与展望

2012年是东帝汶独立10周年,也是中国与东帝汶建立外交关系10周年。建交以来,两国本着真诚友好、平等相待、相互支持、共同发展的原则,双边关系稳步发展。     

中国与东盟关系现状、趋势、对策

在中国国际战略环境中,东盟处于十分重要的地位。目前中国与东盟关系正面临着美国"重返东南亚"和南海部分岛屿主权争端矛盾上升的两大考验。我国应高度重视对东盟关系的发展,继续坚持"与邻为伴、以邻为善"的周边外交方针,大力促进双方的全面合作、创新合作、务实合作、互利合作,不断深化双方战略伙伴关系。     

中日东海大陆架划界中的关键问题论析

东海大陆架油气资源的发现和开采,使中日东海大陆架争议越发凸显。双方的争议焦点主要集中在东海大陆架划界的基本原则、冲绳海槽的法律效力、＂中间线＂标准是否适用以及＂自然延伸＂原则是否适用等几个关键问题上。虽然2008年6月18日中日两国达成了关于中日东海共同开发的谅解,有利于资源的开发与两国以后在这一海域的划界。但是,中国政府应转变长期对海洋资源保护的消极态度,切实维护我国的海洋权益。     

《新巴比伦法典》民事规范源流考

公元前626年左右,古代西亚地区进入了新巴比伦文明时期。其时,颁行的《新巴比伦法典》详细地规定了以下三个方面的内容,一是关于损害赔偿以及买卖纠纷的处理规定;二是婚嫁过程中的财产赠与及其纠纷的处理规定;三是财产继承的规定。这些民事规范秉承了古巴比伦民事成文法、古亚述民事习惯法的法律传统,颇具特色。它对古代民法的贡献在于:民事权利主体的等级化、婚姻家庭关系的契约化以及财产流转的程式化。因此,《新巴比伦法典》是美索不达米亚法系不可或缺的组成部分,对人类民法的起源做出了自己的贡献。     

Paradoxical class: paradox of interest and political conservatism in middle class

ABSTRACT

Considering the importance of class analysis in understanding social issues, the present paper has used this level of analysis as an important factor in the economic, social and political attitude of society. Accordingly, three main classes, including the upper class, the middle class, and the lower class have been divided and their attitudes towards redistribution of wealth (as a non-conservative policy) have been evaluated. Given the current economic inequality, in the case of adopting the policy of redistribution of the wealth, the lower and middle classes will benefit economically, since they possess less wealth than their population percentage. Nevertheless, the results of the survey revealed that only the lower class assented to redistribution of the wealth, while upper and middle classes largely dissented to it. The study seeks to address this question that why the middle-class dissents to redistribution of wealth, despite its economic benefits. In order to answer that, we resort to another survey of the members of the middle class, in which the role of non-economic interests – including social and political interests, has been evaluated. Finally, the conclusion suggests that the majority of the middle class faces a paradoxical status in the area of economic, political, and social interests.     

东亚经济一体化与中国的国家利益

冷战结束后,国际政治、经济环境发生了巨大的变化.在此背景下,实现区域经济一体化逐渐提上东亚各国的政治议程,特别是在东南亚金融危机爆发后,在东亚国家政府的推动下,东亚经济一体化进程明显加快.本文认为,国家利益具有复杂的内涵和结构,国家采取外部行动的时候,并不总是追求国家利益的最大化,国家利益的结构优化和合理化亦是国家的首要目标.东亚经济一体化有助于中国实现国家利益结构的优化,而只有逐步转变国家利益的传统观念,建立起合作的、注重区域整体利益的国家利益观,才能保障东亚经济一体化的顺利发展.     

中国和平发展与东亚合作机制构建

地区合作机制的创设能力不仅是大国崛起的一般性标尺,也是大国崛起的内在要求。参与和创设东亚合作机制是保证中国和平发展的重要条件,它有助于奠定中国和平发展的地区性根基,构筑平衡的大国关系,咒化经济结构和扩大对外开放。同时,中国的制度化行为也拉动了地区经济增长,缓解了地区安全困境,促进了东亚地区一体化。实际上,中国和平发展和东亚合作机制是一种相互促进的关系。