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11.
张志祥 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2004,12(2):59-61
当今世界 ,恐怖活动越来越猖獗 ,恐怖手段越来越高超 ,让热爱和平的人们防不胜防。德国共有三支特种防暴警察部队 ,其中 ,德国边防警第九大队由于其组织精干 ,装备精良 ,训练有素 ,尤其在防范和打击恐怖主义方面战功卓著 ,被各国警学界奉为楷模。 相似文献
12.
和平、发展、合作是当今时代的主流,但其中也存在诸多问题。世界和平最大的挑战来自单边主义和恐怖主义,这同以“和”理念为核心的宗教文化和合和文化精神相抵触。中国的和平发展战略是时代精神和“合和”传统的体现。 相似文献
13.
王新 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2012,27(1):132-138
为了遏制和打击洗钱活动,德国通过在刑法典中新增洗钱罪和多次的修订,将洗钱行为犯罪化,逐步建立起反洗钱和恐怖融资的刑事法律体系,并在一定程度上具有自己的独特之处。在国际社会共同打击洗钱活动和我国面临严峻洗钱形势的背景下,有必要介绍德国反洗钱刑事立法的成功经验,这对于完善我国的反洗钱法律制度具有借鉴意义。 相似文献
14.
Martin Purbrick 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):236-256
This essay reviews the history of Uighur related terrorism in Xinjiang as well as elsewhere in China and discusses the political motivations and effectiveness of the Chinese government in suppressing terrorism. The essay assesses both the motivations of the Uighurs engaged in terrorism, as well as the motivations for counter terrorist by the Chinese authorities. A key objective of the essay is to determine what are the political and other reasons that drive the Chinese government’s counter terrorism strategy and tactics and whether these have been effective or counter-productive. The essay assesses the counter terrorism strategy of the Chinese government in Xinjiang Province and across China, the political motivations for the strategy, the impact and success or otherwise. The essay discusses if the government is combatting terrorism, or separatism, or extremism, the confusion of these terms, and whether this has had any impact on the effectiveness of counter terrorism. 相似文献
15.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(3):447-456
This article analyses state counterterrorism (CT) policy on two dimensions: its effectiveness and its efficiency. It points out that CT is likely to be effective but inefficient. The material weakness of terrorist groups in relation to their state opponents, and different organisational dilemmas, increases the probability of an effective CT policy. However, states frequently overreact to terrorist attacks, which are valued in normative instead of strategic terms. Hence, they spend more resources on CT than justified by the threat posed by the terrorist groups. The article concludes that CT should be framed as an allocation of scarce resources that could be used in other important contexts. 相似文献
16.
Ilhan Niaz 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):271-295
Fifteen years since joining the US-led anti-terrorism coalition, Pakistan’s response to the challenges of terroristic violence and extremist indoctrination and propaganda remain military-centric and kinetic. Since August 2016, after a brief lull, Pakistan has experienced a resurgence of terrorist activity and violence that has struck all of its provinces and placed its capital on high alert. The re-escalation in the level of terrorist violence began with the August 8, 2016, attacks in Quetta, which left over 70 dead and more than 100 injured. The lack of response from the provincial and federal governments to this carnage, led the Supreme Court of Pakistan to exercise its authority under Article 184(3) of the Constitution and establish an Inquiry Commission to examine the state of the investigation and report on the challenges faced in the struggle against terrorism and extremism. This inquiry assumed the form and substance of an audit of the performance of Pakistan’s institutions and exposed the link between the country’s crisis of governance and its incoherent response to terrorism and extremism at all levels of government. The implications of the inquiry report are both broad and deep, and reveal that Pakistan’s trajectory remains that of civilian administrative breakdown and institutional exhaustion. This indicates that Pakistan’s civilian-military balance continues to shift in structural terms in favour of the latter and that beneath a veneer of constitutional democracy, the arbitrary, unwise, and inefficient, exercise of power by the political class continues to hollow out the country’s administrative institutions. 相似文献
17.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):163-180
Labelling the ‘other’ is one of the most relevant aspects in an armed conflict context. Summarising what the opponent is in one single expression is a strong rhetorical tool in any belligerent discourse. The use of the ‘terrorist’ label assumes a particularly powerful role in such a construction. Employing Ole Wæver's layered discursive structure, this article aims to study the discursive practices and political consequences associated with the use of such labels. The political implications of using the ‘terrorist’ label in regards to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkish politics will be analysed as an illustrative case study. The period under analysis extends from April 2007 to January 2008, corresponding to the escalation of a security discourse that led to the (brief) Turkish military incursion in northern Iraq in the winter of 2007–2008. The political exposure and intense usage of the ‘terrorist’ label in this period makes it particularly ripe for understanding the political discursive context that shapes Turkey's policies towards this protracted conflict. The focus on this period also sheds light on the political reasons underlying the intractability of this conflict. 相似文献
18.
冷战结束后,北约并未因对手的消失而瓦解,而是通过扩大组织、出台新战略和实施新行动找到生存依据并获得新的发展。在北约的新扩大、新战略和新行动中,中东欧国家不管是主动参与还是被动接受,都起到了不可低估的作用。中东欧国家的加入令北约成员国从16个增至30个,拓展了北约的疆域。东欧剧变带来的国际局势的变化,特别是前南斯拉夫地区发生的战争促使北约提出新的战略概念,波黑战争、科索沃战争和马其顿危机更是成为北约新战略的试验场。中东欧国家参与了北约在波黑、科索沃、阿富汗和伊拉克的行动以及乌克兰危机发生后针对俄罗斯的军事部署,做出独有的贡献。同时,中东欧国家的加入也给北约在决策效率、行动能力、责任分担和价值观方面带来新的挑战。不过,由于中东欧国家的军事力量和国家实力有限,在北约内部的影响力不大,这些挑战不足以危及北约的生存。 相似文献
19.
澳大利亚反恐怖主义立法述评 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
为应对日益严重的恐怖主义威胁,澳大利亚加快了反恐怖主义立法的进程,澳大利亚反恐怖主义法对基础性概念进行界定,增设了恐怖主义犯罪罪名,完善恐怖主义犯罪的诉讼程序,对有关部门进行特殊授权,并且严格了对澳大利亚本土的防范措施.澳大利亚反恐怖主义立法采用附属式的立法模式,并涉及预防、处置及制裁等多重内容,体现了普通法系的"程序优先"的特征,极大地扩张了国家行政权力.随着反恐斗争的开展,普通法系国家愈加重视制定法的作用.但是,反恐怖主义立法引发的人权问题、民族问题和宗教问题也是值得深思的. 相似文献
20.