现代恐怖主义的特征及确定我国本土安全战略的基础

“9.11”事件后,恐怖主义变成对世界重要利益的根本威胁,恐怖主义活动的政治性、暴力性、狂热性的特点更加鲜明,组织结构呈现多样性、小型化的趋势,恐怖活动手段表现为一种无规律的规律;制定我国本土安全战略的目的是为了动员和组织国家力量以确保我国本土不受恐怖袭击,法律、科技、情报和国际合作是我国本土安全战略的四大基石。     

The American Right and the Framing of 9/11

On September 11th, 2001, 2 hijacked airliners were crashed into the World Trade Center and a third into the Pentagon. The Bush administration's response, both in regard to civil liberties at home and the launching of military action abroad, has been the subject of considerable controversy. As we might expect, the Bush administration's framing of events met with acclaim among many on the American right But here, as elsewhere on the political spectrum, how to understand and react to 9/11 was also the subject of bitter dispute, a dispute that sheds new light on the ongoing arguments among American conservatives in the aftermath of the Cold War.     

从马德里铁路大爆炸看我国铁路反恐体系的建立

2004年3月11日,西班牙首都马德里及附近地区3列火车4节车厢连续发生10余起爆炸,造成2O0余人死亡,18O0余人受伤。这次系列爆炸震撼了全球,也给我们敲响了铁路反恐工作的警钟。铁路成为恐怖主义分子制造爆炸、投毒等破坏的重要目标的主要原因:(一)铁路是社会的主要交通运输工具,铁路在一个国家的经济生产和人民生活,甚至军事、涉外等方面具有重要影响;(二)铁路是社会人财物高度聚集的流动性很强的公共场所,铁路发生爆炸可以造成大量的人财物损失,破坏程度巨大;(三)铁路的分布范围广,列车昼夜固定高速运行,安全防范体系薄弱。对于恐怖主义采取在铁路站车制造爆炸的新型恐怖主义犯罪,我们应该有清醒的认识,应该从我国的反恐斗争需要出发,研究、制定国家的铁路反恐体系,以确保铁路的安全。     

《诗经》与两周金文韵部比较

在对已见著录的8000多条两周金文收集、整理的基础上,将两周金文韵部与《诗经》韵部作比较,可以进一步明确金文用韵与《诗经》用韵大体相似的结论。王力先生认为《诗经》韵部29部,冬侵为一部,冬部是在战国时期才分化出来。而金文冬、侵都未发现独用例,从二部的统计数字和冬部与东、阳、耕、侵诸部合韵的情况看,冬部似应独立,所以金文韵部应为30部。     

论惩治国际恐怖主义犯罪的基本问题

恐怖主义行为滋生于 2 0世纪初叶 ,一些组织或个人基于各种各样的动机或目的不断实施危害人类的行为 ,如劫持航空器、劫持人质等。这些行为在国际社会层出不穷 ,愈演愈烈 ,逐渐发展成具有组织性、有针对性 ,甚至带有某种政治色彩的国际性恐怖主义罪行。如何有效地惩治这种新型国际性犯罪已经成为国际社会关注的热点问题 ,有关惩治国际恐怖主义犯罪的理论与实践也是各国刑事法学界重视的研究课题。结合现代国际法和国际刑法的相关理论 ,本文重点就恐怖主义犯罪的概况、性质及惩治与防范策略加以研究 ,以期促进对此问题的深入探讨。     

当代西方恐怖主义威胁认知与治理目标和路径

恐怖主义威胁认知对治理政策的有效性具有决定性的影响,也是外部政策评估的有效切入点:威胁认知通过影响政策目标与政策路径,构成恐怖主义治理能够在多大限度内发挥其有效性的前提。九一一事件以来,西方对恐怖主义威胁出现了"传统智慧""本土恐怖主义"和"极端意识形态"三种不同的认知,治理政策经历了"全球反恐战争""反激进化"和"反极端化"三个阶段,政策目标经历了"文化安全化—族群安全化—思想安全化"的演进,政策路径出现了从"群体化"到"个体与群体兼重"再到"个体化"的转变。恐怖主义威胁认知的三个阶段演进,更多的是面对新恐怖威胁的被动更新,而非针对前一阶段问题所做的主动修正。这导致当代西方恐怖主义治理的既有政策有限性将会持续,反恐的政策负担会越来越重,甚至"越反越恐"。在当前国际恐怖主义不断发展变化的背景下,西方乃至全球的恐怖主义治理又处于一个需要更新威胁认知的关头,这可能会进一步影响当前恐怖主义治理的效果。     

After the Velvet Revolutions: Altered Life-Chances, Fragile Legitimacy, and Split-Consciousness in Post-Communist Eastern Europe

This article deals with (i) changes in the objective and subjective life-chances of people in Eastern Europe as affected by the transformation of their economic and political systems, and (ii) the emergence of a new dominant meritocratic ideology of distributive justice and the survival of a now old subordinate egalitarian one. We investigate whether, and if so, how and to what degree, changes in people's (perceived) life-chances influence their (de)legitimation of the market economy and the pluralistic system of democracy as well as their (de/re)legitimation of the ancien regime. Especially, the question of whether, and if so, how and under which conditions, a phenomenon that has been called split-consciousness will occur with respect to people's choices between those opposing systems is answered. Several hypotheses are presented that deal with the above mentioned topics. The hypotheses are tested empirically by using cross-national data stemming from the International Social Justice Project.     

The emerging middle power concept: Time to say goodbye?

To deal with the wide range of states that are considered middle powers, scholars distinguish between traditional middle powers on the one hand, and emerging, non-traditional or Southern middle powers on the other. This article examines the middle power concept in light of such diversity. It rejects middle power conceptions based on a ranking of size, power or position, on performing morally commendable international actions, on playing niche roles in international diplomacy, or on national self-identification. The article then considers a conception of middle powers as international stabilisers. The difficulty with this latter conception is that new middle powers exhibit a counter-hegemonic streak and a preference for multipolarity. Both of these are destabilising. The proposed solution is to jettison adjectives such as ‘emerging’ or ‘Southern’ with regard to middle powers, to stop classifying mid-range states with counter-hegemonic tendencies as middle powers, and to restrict the middle power term to mid-range states that actively support the liberal hegemonic project.     

Putting the pieces together: 40 years of fertility trends across 19 post-socialist countries

Demographic change has been a key consequence of transition, but few studies trace fertility trends across countries over time. We describe fertility trends immediately before and after the fall of state socialism across 19 Central and Eastern European and Central Asian countries. We found a few common patterns that may reflect economic and political developments. The countries that experienced the most successful transitions and integration into the EU experienced marked postponement of parenthood and a moderate decline in second and third births. Little economic change in the poorest transition countries was accompanied by less dramatic changes in childbearing behavior. In western post-Soviet contexts, and somewhat in Bulgaria and Romania, women became more likely to only have one child but parenthood was not substantially postponed. This unique demographic pattern seems to reflect an unwavering commitment to parenthood but economic conditions and opportunities that did not support having more than one child. In addition, we identify countries that would provide fruitful case studies because they do not fit general patterns.     

On amorphous terms,terrorism and a feeble judiciary: Analysing the dissenting judgment in Maseko v Prime Minister of Swaziland and Others (2016)

On 16 September 2016, the Swaziland High Court delivered judgment in the matter between Maseko and Others v Prime Minister of Swaziland and Others [2016] SZHC 180, in which it declared certain provisions of the Suppression of Terrorism Act (2008); and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act (1938) as unconstitutional. The Declaration followed a constitutional challenge, based on the applicants’ freedom of expression, assembly and association. The judgment was unprecedented in the Swaziland context, given that of the four applicants, three were political activists and one was a Human Rights lawyer. All four have been in frequent collision with the government over their political opinions. Two judges ruled in favour of the applicants, whilst the third one ruled against them. The judgment was a sharp departure from past decisions, where the courts often ruled in favour of the state, leaving many litigants without a remedy. The ruling marked the first time a Swazi court had declared the Swaziland Constitution a living document. However commendable the main judgment, the dissenting opinion raises several constitutional questions that need to be addressed. This article therefore, critically analyses the dissenting opinion of Justice Hlophe, and seeks to demonstrate that his approach is antithetical to constitutionalism, and is irreconcilable with accepted notions of Bill of Rights litigation.