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891.
目的观察桃红四物汤加味联合微创锁定钢板内固定术治疗胫骨中下段骨折的临床疗效。方法将54例胫骨中下段骨折患者按随机数字法分为观察组和对照组,每组27例;观察组采用口服桃红四物汤加味+微创锁定钢板内固定术治疗,对照组采用常规微创锁定钢板内固定术治疗,观察治疗前后患者患侧小腿肿胀程度及2个月后踝关节功能美国足踝协会(American Orthopedic Foot and Ankle Society,AOFAS)量表评分并比较两组患者的临床疗效。结果与伤后24h比较,两组患者术后1周下肢肿胀度均明显减轻(P<0.05);观察组患者术后1周下肢肿胀度降低程度明显大于对照组(P<0.05)。两组患者基于AOFAS量表评分的疗效比较,差异无统计学意义(P>0.05)。两组患者临床疗效分布比较,差异有统计学意义(P<0.05)。结论桃红四物汤加味联合微创锁定钢板内固定术治疗胫骨中下段骨折疗效优于常规微创锁定钢板内固定术,能有效缓解肿胀,改善患肢功能。  相似文献   
892.
This paper is a cautiously sympathetic treatment of conspiracy theory in Pakistan, relating it to Marxist theories of the state, structural functionalism and Machiavellian realism in international relations. Unlike moralising mainstream news reports describing terrorism in terms of horrific events and academic research endlessly lamenting the ‘failure’, ‘weakness’ and mendacity of the Pakistani state, conspiracy theory has much in common with realism in its cynical disregard for stated intentions and insistence on the primacy of inter-state rivalry. It contains a theory of the postcolonial state as part of a wider international system based on class-conspiracy, wedding imperial interests to those of an indigenous elite, with little concern for preserving liberal norms of statehood. Hence we consider some forms of conspiracy theory a layperson’s theory of the capitalist state, which seeks to explain history with reference to global and domestic material forces, interests and structures shaping outcomes, irrespective of political actors’ stated intentions. While this approach may be problematic in its disregard for intentionality and ideology, its suspicion of the notion that the ‘War on Terror’ should be read morally as a battle between states and ‘non-state actors’ is understandable – especially when technological and political-economic changes have made the importance of impersonal economic forces driving towards permanent war more relevant than ever.  相似文献   
893.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):375-383
This article is devoted to the problem of the reaction to the Eastern Partnership by Russia's both the political establishment and the expert community. The question of reactions to the Eastern Partnership in the target countries has been extensively posed in academic literature. However, the question of Russia's reaction to the Eastern Partnership, one of the most important actors of the region, has been rarely raised by the academic community. A wide array of factors impacted Russian elites' perception of the Eastern Partnership – from problematic issues in the EU-Russia relations to the post-Soviet states' political and economic transformation. Studying the dynamics and peculiarities of Russia's perspective on the Eastern Partnership makes it possible to draw meaningful conclusions on the nature of Russia's phobias that fuel its domestic and foreign policy.  相似文献   
894.
State formation in the developing world can be explained as growing centralisation and institutionalisation. To understand why some states struggle with state formation, or the processes of centralisation, the model provided by Charles Tilly, in his analysis of state formation in Western Europe, is applied to Lebanon, starting at the onset of the 1975 civil war and concluding with an analysis of the post-Syrian occupation environment. With the appropriate conditions it is possible to use Tilly’s model of war making and the state to measure state formation, or the lack thereof, in the developing world. Conclusively, in the case of Lebanon, it is evident that progress towards strong state formation has been made because of processes of war that are similar to those Tilly outlines in his historical analysis of Western Europe.  相似文献   
895.
宗教一直被视为导致安全和战争问题的诸多相关因素之一。中东地区宗教和教派分歧严重,主要表现在伊斯兰教与犹太教、伊斯兰教与基督教以及伊斯兰教内部不同教派之间的冲突上。宗教对中东地区安全产生影响基本上是通过认同安全、利益安全和宗教合法性三种途径。宗教既是中东问题中一个非常重要的不利因素,又是一种融合因素。如果双方都本着宽容和博爱的根本教义,为了自己的人民不再遭受苦难与流血,互相救赎、互相热爱,那么任何冲突都有希望被化解。  相似文献   
896.
The article examines some conceptual and practical tensions related to the application of the external governance framework to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in less motivated states, such as Belarus. First, it critically analyses the foundations of the external governance framework – from M. Smith's perspective – in order to suggest that the failure of the ENP to legitimize in Belarus should not be solely attributed to the vices of Lukashenko's regime. Second, it argues that an understanding of specifically Belarusian ‘boundaries of order’ – geopolitics and culture – is essential for tailoring a more nuanced policy that will be able to accommodate the needs and interests of ‘less motivated’ ENP partner states. In conclusion, it is suggested that a new policy framework – of extended partnership – should be more technical and less political, based on horizontal networks of cooperation rather than on hitherto hierarchical governance by conditionality that has found little appeal in the less motivated neighbourhood. Can an Eastern Partnership framework become such an alternative?  相似文献   
897.
Applications of institutional analysis to the explanation of economic performance come in many flavors. Some economists have made use of an economics-oriented flavor in treating culture as one component of that analysis. Steven Heydemann uses a more political flavor of institutional analysis to argue that two of these economists, Douglass North and Avner Greif, have overly simplified and homogenized the concept of culture and the way in which it affects economic performance. He goes on to identify several instances in both the economic history and contemporary experience of the Middle East where he claims that such over-simplification has led to shortcomings in the analysis. This paper suggests that while some of Heydemann’s claims have merit, several others are exaggerated.
Jeffrey B. NugentEmail:

Jeffrey B. Nugent   is professor of economics at the University of Southern California. He specializes in development economics and, within that field, focuses on diverse applications of both quantitative analysis and institutional analysis to various developing countries.  相似文献   
898.
自“阿拉伯之春”以降,伊斯兰极端主义日益成为全球非传统安全研究领域的主要议题。以往的研究已经注意到极端宗教思想对“一失败,即溃散”的弥散型恐怖主义之影响,但对于弥散型恐怖主义生成根源、传播路径与扩散范围却没有形成系统性的区分与探讨。基于对伊斯兰文明圈核心区域、半边缘区域和边缘区域在宗教地位、部族影响、民族国家认同与区域权力结构四种因素的区分,在伊斯兰文明核心区域容易形成向外围单向辐射的跨国弥散型恐怖主义;而在伊斯兰文明边缘区域容易接受来自文明核心区域的影响并成为伊斯兰极端主义扩张工具与动员手段。半边缘区域因地缘上的过渡性和宗教上的亚文明特征而介于两者之间。“一带一路”倡议途径广大的伊斯兰国家,为确保中国海外投资安全,在伊斯兰文明核心区和半边缘区域应该注重发展同当地部族关系,而在边缘区则需要强化政府间官方合作。  相似文献   
899.
In this commentary, we make the case that the analysis of terrorism and counterterrorism must be based on an integrated theory that links both issues together. Terrorist groups’ ultimate goals must be distinguished from their strategic goals and the strategic logic by which they employ terror and select targets to further their ultimate goals. The strategic logic of terrorism is thus key to understanding patterns of terrorism and the counter-reaction by governments against it. We make the case for a unified approach and suggest major areas for future research.  相似文献   
900.
The Syrian civil war has seen the weaponization of its land and property rights system by the primary combatant groups in the country. The government is the most robust in its use of the tenure system to locate, target, destroy, confiscate, cleanse and gain revenue by way of the institutions and attributes comprising the system. Based on fieldwork with Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, this article describes seven ways the Syrian government is currently using the land and property rights system in its military-on-civilian engagements. While the objective of such use is presumably to permanently prevail over opposition civilian constituencies, the article describes how this actually creates evidence usable for effective restitution of lands and properties subsequent to the war.  相似文献   
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