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91.
户籍制度的历史回溯与改革前瞻 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
建国后我国的户籍制度经历了建国初期短暂的自由迁移、195 8年开始的严格限制户口自由迁移特别是限制农民向城市迁移以及改革开放后户籍制度的逐步改革主要是小城镇户籍制度改革三个时期。沿用近半个世纪的城乡分割的二元户籍制度逐步形成了我国特有的二元社会结构。户籍制度改革的重点尚局限于小城镇范围 ,这有其认识上的严重误区。户籍制度改革是政治体制改革的重要内容 ,是尊重和保障人权的重要措施。实行全体公民的居住和迁徙自由 ,是我国户籍制度改革的终极目标。 相似文献
92.
王瑞林 《陕西行政学院学报》2002,16(4)
为实现我国经济的跨越式发展目标,必须进行政府行政体制改革,首先应当在政府职能配置时力求与政府能力相适应,其次应通过提高政府的信用程度来提高政府行政效率。 相似文献
93.
This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. 相似文献
94.
95.
论社会主义信用道德建设 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
信用道德建设是当前我国公民道德建设的重点工程。文章从信用道德建设的重要性入手 ,对现阶段我国信用道德出现失范现象的社会根源进行了反思和分析 ,在此基础上提出了加强和改进社会主义信用道德建设的具体措施和对策 相似文献
96.
阎美玲 《中央社会主义学院学报》2002,(3):17-20
对不同类型政党制度进行比较 ,能帮助我们更好地认识中国政党制度的优越性。要进行比较就要有正确的比较方法和衡量标准 ,并满足进行比较的基本条件。在进行比较时要用历史唯物主义和辩证唯物主义的方法进行全面的客观的比较 ;在确定衡量标准时 ,最根本的是要从本国国情出发 ;立足本国实际是进行比较的基本条件。 相似文献
97.
Adrienne Barnett 《Feminist Legal Studies》2000,8(2):241-254
This note examines the decision of the Family Division of the High Court in N. v. N. (Jurisdiction: Pre-Nuptial Agreement) in which, in the context of Jewish divorce proceedings, the Court found that it had no jurisdiction to order a husband, by
specific performance of a marriage agreement, to go through the procedure to obtain a ‘get’ (a hand-written bill of divorcement)
allowing his wife to remarry. First, discussion of the case is contextualised broadly within the debate on the (de)merits
of employing legal means in order to redress social wrongs. Secondly, adopting a theoretical perspective upon the difficulties involved in using law to achieve social change,
the note goes on to examine more specifically why women from minority cultures may choose to go to the law of the dominant
culture in order to obtain relief.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
98.
Nobuharu Yokokawa 《当代亚洲杂志》2020,50(2):194-227
ABSTRACTAfter the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, we are facing the beginning of the end of the post-war capitalist world system. The 1920s was in the middle of the social, political and economic interregnum, a period of discontinuity in the social order, accompanied by widespread unrest, wars and power vacuums. In this article, that framework of the long and super long waves in the capitalist world systems is used to examine the recent interregnum that marks the re-emergence of Asia. Within the framework of the long and super long waves a new “flying geese” theory is built by incorporating the theory of dynamic industries with Akamatsu’s theory. In the 1980s, Japanese integral production architecture improved quality and productivity in the automobile and electrical machinery industries. In the 1990s, the USA’s open modular production architecture enabled China’s compressed industrialisation, and the China-centric Asian production network replaced the Japan-led Pacific Rim triangular trade regime. In the 2000s, the knowledge-and technology-intensive (KTI) industries have established themselves as the new dynamic industries. The USA is the leading country to develop KTI industries. China is catching up quickly and has leapfrogged Japan in KTI industries. In conclusion, it is argued that these changes mark an approaching second interregnum. 相似文献
99.
Grigorii V. Golosov 《Central Asian Survey》2020,39(3):285-302
ABSTRACT This article overviews and seeks to explain the processes of party system formation in the post-Soviet Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) by focusing on a crucial party-system property, fragmentation. The analysis reveals that to a much greater extent than in democracies, where party systems are largely shaped by societal factors, the level of party system fragmentation in autocracies is determined by the scope of presidential powers, as entrenched in the formal institutional order and reflected in the national constitution. The level of authoritarianism is largely inconsequential for party system fragmentation, while the role of electoral rules is secondary. Institutionally weak and institutionally strong autocratic presidents have a preference for fragmented party systems, while presidents with an intermediate range of powers seek and obtain low levels of party system fragmentation. 相似文献
100.
"一国两制"构想不是一天形成的,也不是偶然提出的,更不是凭空想出来的.它是在党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平同志从我国社会发展的客观需要出发提出的."一国两制"构想的提出有着充分的实际根据和可靠的理论依据,是理论与实际的紧密结合. 相似文献