抗战期间东南亚华侨的救国活动及彰显的民族精神

抗日战争是中华民族近代史上抗击侵略者的民族解放战争,抗战爆发后中日之间由于国力的差距,中国抗战面临着严重困难,而当时的欧美列强又为了自身利益大多袖手旁观,使得中国面临着严峻的国内外形势。而东南亚华侨在民族危亡的关键时刻,挺身而出,为支援祖国抗战掀起了波澜壮阔的抗日救国运动,华侨在经济方面捐款捐物、认购公债,抵制日货,为祖国抗战提供了巨大帮助。而更为人称颂的是不少华侨回国参加抗战,将青春与热血献给了祖国的抗战事业。     

中韩农业贸易中的政治性贸易保护问题研究

在中日韩三国自由贸易区谈判即将召开的情况下,韩国农业领域的贸易保护问题已经成为阻碍中韩FTA签订的重要问题。韩国农业领域的贸易保护倾向不仅根源于福利国家体制和国家干预制度,还和韩国独特的历史和现实政治情况紧密关联,这就要求我国政府在解决该问题时除了遵循FTA基本原则外,更要兼顾社会和政治方面的对韩协调,整合中国农业出口部门,实现对农业领域自由贸易的政治护持。     

REASSESSING THE BREADTH OF THE PROTECTIVE BENEFIT OF IMMIGRANT NEIGHBORHOODS: A MULTILEVEL ANALYSIS OF VIOLENCE RISK BY RACE,ETHNICITY, AND LABOR MARKET STRATIFICATION*

Researchers in the United States have increasingly recognized that immigration reduces crime, but it remains unresolved whether this applies to people of different racial–ethnic and economic backgrounds. By using the 2008–2012 area‐identified National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), we evaluate the effect of neighborhood immigrant concentration on individual violence risk across race/ethnicity and labor market stratification factors in areas with different histories of immigration. The results of our analysis reveal three key patterns. First, we find a consistent protective role of immigrant concentration that is not weakened by low education, low income, unemployment, or labor market competition. Therefore, even economically disadvantaged people enjoy the crime‐reduction benefit of immigration. Second, we find support for threshold models that predict a nonlinear, stronger protective role of immigrant concentration on violence at higher levels of immigrant concentration. The protective function of immigration also is higher in areas of longer histories of immigration. Third, compared with Blacks and Whites, Latinos receive a greater violence‐reduction benefit of immigrant concentration possibly because they live in closer proximity with immigrants and share common sociocultural features. Nevertheless, immigrant concentration yields a diminishing return in reducing Latino victimization as immigrants approach a near‐majority of neighborhood residents. The implications of these results are discussed.     

Party Politics and Governance in Grenada: An Analysis of the New National Party (1984–2012)

Abstract

This article examines party politics and governance in post-revolutionary Grenada, using the case of the New National Party (NNP). The central question is what does the evolution of the NNP suggests about governance and democracy in post-invasion Grenada? The article traces four phases of the NNP since its formation in 1984: (1) externally imposed marriage of convenience; (2) intra-party conflict and splintering; (3) rebranding, consolidation and dominance; and (4) electoral defeat. The article contends that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy and the NNP is a significant actor. Yet, despite this transition, Grenada has not become the showcase of democracy that the US said it would in 1984.     

So Close and Yet So Far: Strategies in the 13th Malaysian Elections

Abstract

This article examines the strategies employed by the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (or National Front), and the opposition alliance, Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance), in the 13th general election held in Malaysia in May 2013. It argues that while the opposition used the right strategy for the 2013 campaign, it lost because it could not overcome the three biggest hurdles for opposition politics in Malaysia: East Malaysia, the rural Malay votes and a biased electoral system.     

ANC foreign policy making during the Mbeki period: More democratic or less?

The African National Congress, as an entity distinct from government, served during the 1994–2008 period as an independent forum for debate about South Africa's foreign policy, particularly in the National Executive Committee's Subcommittee on International Relations. This debate retained the oligarchic character of the movement in exile, with few voices – Thabo Mbeki's most prominent among them – dominating the discussion, inputs from subnational party structures almost non-existent, and dissenters expected to keep quiet publicly. That said, participants in these discussions largely dismissed characterisations of Mbeki as a dictator in the foreign policy debate, noting that the predominance of his views stemmed mostly from his strong argumentation and knowledge rather than bullying. Senior ANC leaders also claimed that limited interest in foreign policy, outside of national party structures, hindered efforts to broaden participation in foreign policy formulation.     

领事保护与外交保护的“融合”与判别

无论是在理论上还是在实践中,领事保护和外交保护都是一个较难明确区分的问题。“是否用尽当地救济”是区分二者的关键标准。然而,很多混淆的产生是与国家责任条款的变化、对国家责任的产生存在误解,以及对外交保护的实体权利和程序条件不分有关。由于国家责任条款和外交保护条款的双重影响,传统领事保护与外交保护当中,出现了部分交融的趋势。这种融合,实际上就是部分外交保护转化为领事保护,这就扩展了领事保护的范围,提升了领事保护的程度,使得海外公民的权利更能得到及时的保护和补救。     

伊拉克外交政策中的认同因素探析

认同是国家利益的来源,从两个途径制约着国家的外交政策。以阿拉伯认同对伊拉克外交政策塑造为主线,伊拉克外交可以分为前萨达姆时期、萨达姆时期与后萨达姆时期三个阶段,在此三个阶段中,库尔德民族认同、伊斯兰宗教认同、逊尼派和什叶派的宗派认同对外交政策的影响力也同时存在。伊拉克国家认同缺失正是其外交政策导向多变的原因,重新构建强大的国家认同,在国家认同指导下展开自主的外交交往,是伊拉克消除内乱、提高国际信用度的可取出路。     

The efficiency of Y-chromosome markers in forensic trace analysis and their inclusion in the Austrian National DNA Database

Y-STR markers are a valuable tool in the analysis of biological traces in which a mixture of male and female trace material is to be expected. It is possible to generate a Y-chromosome DNA profile, even if all the prior sperm tests are negative and no sign of any male component is found in amelogenin. In 38 of a total of 239 sexual offences a perpetrator trace was identified solely using Y-STR analysis. Based on these findings, the Austrian National DNA Database was expanded to include Y-STRs in 2012 with the primary objective to identify serial sexual offences.     

Book Reviews

Abstract

Stretching a third of the way around the globe, the Asia Pacific is the world's most populous region. Yet, it remains the sole region without a human rights court or commission, and without a human rights treaty. The notable absence there of a human rights mechanism based on such institutions is often explained away by reference to the region's size and heterogeneity, the constituent states’ reluctance to interfere in the affairs of others, and the existence of rivalries. Whilst agreeing that there is no inter-governmental initiative that looks set to change the present state of affairs in the Asia Pacific, this article places the spotlight on another model of creating a regional human rights mechanism, that is, the unique and burgeoning Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions. Specifically, it assesses the prospects for Japan, Taiwan and China – three key regional players whose membership of the Forum is still outstanding – to create domestic human rights bodies that eventually join.