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171.
Silvia Atanassova Croydon 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):289-310
AbstractStretching a third of the way around the globe, the Asia Pacific is the world's most populous region. Yet, it remains the sole region without a human rights court or commission, and without a human rights treaty. The notable absence there of a human rights mechanism based on such institutions is often explained away by reference to the region's size and heterogeneity, the constituent states’ reluctance to interfere in the affairs of others, and the existence of rivalries. Whilst agreeing that there is no inter-governmental initiative that looks set to change the present state of affairs in the Asia Pacific, this article places the spotlight on another model of creating a regional human rights mechanism, that is, the unique and burgeoning Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions. Specifically, it assesses the prospects for Japan, Taiwan and China – three key regional players whose membership of the Forum is still outstanding – to create domestic human rights bodies that eventually join. 相似文献
172.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(3):287-303
This article assesses the impact of the Nouvelle Droite on the extreme right in contemporary Britain. Occupying a central focus is the role of Scorpion magazine, edited by Michael Walker. The author examines the promotion of the Nouvelle Droite by Scorpion, and in particular Walker's attempts to encourage the British far right to bury two of its “sacred cows”: conspiracy theory and biological racism. He then identifies how Nouvelle Droite thought influenced the ideology and discourse of the 1980s National Front, before moving on to discuss its impact on Nick Griffin's recent attempts to modernize the ideology of the British National Party. 相似文献
173.
Roberto Bueno 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(137):471-498
The view of the barbarity is a theme that has been inexhaustible due to the constant human ability of reinventing the horror’s dimensions. However, if analyzed through the political philosophy, this is a theme that requires continuous rereadings in order to prevent the risk of reactualization of the horror in the contemporary world’s roll of concerns. The horror’s reactualization in this context would be assisted by the weakness that is currently happening at the democratic institutions as a result of virulent denouncing criticisms that expose its infirmity, often deservedly. We believe that the barbarity is unembraceable and unapproachable in its integrality if seen through one single angle. Therefore, our purpose in this text is supporting the continuous process of reflecting about this theme through the possible conjunctive approximation of literature (Jünger and the survival’s literature) and political philosophy (Schmitt and his critics). 相似文献
174.
近年来,我国有关人体器官买卖的危害行为日益猖獗,严重威胁到广大人民群众的生命健康安全。基于此,刑法修正案(八)第37条明确规定了组织出卖人体器官罪,《刑法》第234条把组织出卖人体器官行为作为刑事犯罪进行打击。文章通过刑法规定的犯罪构成要件,分析了本罪的构成,即本罪的犯罪客体是公民的生命健康权利和国家器官移植医疗管理秩序;犯罪客观方面表现为非法组织他人出卖人体器官的行为;犯罪主体是一般主体;主观方面是故意。因此,司法实践中准确把握本罪与它罪,一罪与数罪的界限非常必要。 相似文献
175.
党的第四代领导集体,围绕“什么是社会主义民族问题、怎样正确处理社会主义民族问题”的主线,自觉地进行理论创新和实践落实。在理论创新方面,丰富发展了中国特色社会主义民族理论体系。在实践落实方面,围绕促进民族地区科学发展、谋求民族地区社会和谐两大任务,开创了民族工作新局面。 相似文献
176.
Maurizio Massari 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(1):1-15
Russia and the EU have dramatically expanded their relationship over the last ten years ever since the 1997 Partnership Cooperation and Agreement entered into force. The four spaces of cooperation agreed upon in 2003 have provided a myriad of opportunities for dialogue and cooperation. Yet, quantity does not equal quality in a relationship that lacks a clear endgame perspective. Russia's new cockiness and the EU's internal divisions do not help bridge the strategic gap. Energy and the common neighbourhood are today the main spoilers in the relationship. They could however be turned into major opportunities in developing a strategic partnership. 相似文献
177.
Syeda Naushin Parnini 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):189-211
Many of the recent ideas and concepts of ‘good governance’ and ‘civil society’ in Bangladesh have been generated by the international aid agencies and their ‘good governance’ policy agenda in the 1990s, but there are also local meanings to the terms derived from the independence struggle and the construction of a Bangladeshi state. This article aims to obtain a clearer analytical understanding of the processes and institutions of civil society in Bangladesh that can develop workable strategy to improve governance for helping the poor and moving beyond the patron–client relationships on which they have depended historically. It also focuses attention and debate on those aspects of civil society which can enhance the quality of governance and democracy by overcoming the western top-down approach; and can strengthen the role of civil society organisations to further enhance their impact on better governance for fair distribution of public goods and ensuring social justice for the poor. 相似文献
178.
Timothy S. Rich 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):164-180
How do electoral rules shape competition? District level data from South Korea's seven legislative elections since democratization (1988-2012) provides a means to test one of the oldest findings in political science: Duverger's Law. South Korea provides a unique opportunity to analyze variation in mixed election rules, where seats are allocated in both single member districts (SMDs) and by a nationwide party list by proportional representation (PR), as the country has used three different electoral formulas over the time period. Through quantitative analysis, evidence of a gradual reduction in the number of candidates is evident as is a more nuanced influence of regionalism on vote concentration. 相似文献
179.
Carl Gershman President 《Democratization》2013,20(3):27-35
Organizations involved in the growing field of democracy promotion need to find effective ways to aid both political parties and civil organizations and, where necessary, to foster close collaboration between them. But they also must respect their autonomy and help them realize their own democratic objectives. It is important to recognize the differences between the two sectors: civil society should not be subordinate to parties, and it would be a mistake to wrap the party sector into an undifferentiated concept of civil society. Strategies to assist democracy should, then, distinguish between four main political contexts: authoritarian; emerging democracy; post-dictatorial situations where government is not committed to democracy; and war-torn or post-conflict countries. 相似文献
180.
Stefan Andreasson 《Democratization》2013,20(2):303-322
Post-apartheid South Africa is characterized by centralized, neo-liberal policymaking that perpetuates, and in some cases exaggerates, socio-economic inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. The African National Congress (ANC) leadership's alignment with powerful international and domestic market actors produces tensions within the Tripartite Alliance and between government and civil society. Consequently, several characteristics of ‘predatory liberalism’ are evident in contemporary South Africa: neo-liberal restructuring of the economy is combined with an increasing willingness by government to assert its authority, to marginalize and delegitimize those critical of its abandonment of inclusive governance. A new form of oligarch power, combining entrenched economic interests with those of a new ‘black bourgeoisie’ promoted by narrowly implemented Black Economic Empowerment policies, diminishes prospects for broad-based socio-economic transformation. Because the new policy environment is failing to resolve tensions between global market demands for increasing market liberalization and domestic popular demands for poverty-alleviation and socio-economic transformation, the ANC leadership is forced increasingly to confront ‘ultra-leftists’ who are challenging its credentials as defender of the National Democratic Revolution which was the cornerstone in the anti-apartheid struggle. 相似文献