Adding to the Controversy? Civil Society’s Evaluation of the National Conference Dialogue in Yemen

ABSTRACT

This article assembles a picture of Yemen’s 2013–14 National Dialogue Conference (NDC) by collecting perspectives from local civil society organizations (CSOs), which are contrasted to the views of international commentators. Despite all efforts by internal parties as well as the international community, the dialogue failed to avert war, which broke out shortly after. Through interviews with 50 CSOs, we reconstructed the reasons for failure, as well as paying attention to the observed strengths of the dialogue. Half of the consulted organizations were directly involved in the NDC, either as an invited participant or in a brokerage role. The other half concerns outside observers. We identify aspects on which the opinion of the CSOs converge, but also highlight striking divergences depending on insider/outsider status. In contrast to the view espoused in the international literature, the CSOs overall feel that, in spite of all its procedural and substantive flaws, the NDC was a significant junction in the long road towards peace and stability and laid important groundwork for future dialogues.     

加入WTO与中国内外资企业法律制度分析

审视我国现行的内外资企业法律制度,其与市场经济法治要求有一定的距离,并且存在着诸多与 WTO 规则相背离的地方。我们应本着经济立法是对客观经济规律地正确反映的指导思想,制定反映我国社会主义市场经济要求的内外资企业法律制度。     

民族社会控制系统分析

民族社会控制是民族社会存在和发展的重要保障和前提 ,是一个系统的调控过程 ;民族社会控制主体是个体、群体、组织与国家的有机结合 ,而民族社会控制的对象是民族社会互动、社会结构、社会价值观念 ;民族社会控制的目标是民族社会秩序。它们与控制规范、控制手段共同构成了民族社会控制系统且处在不断的相互作用之中。     

论党的十六大的伟大意义

党的十六大胜利召开 ,是全党和全国人民政治生活中的一件大事 ,其意义重大而深远 ,具有多重意义 :伟大的历史意义和理论意义、重大的现实意义和实践意义。     

中国产业结构调整的重点及对策

如何应对新经济的挑战,是作为最大发展中国家的中国面临的一个艰巨任务。本文从农业、制造业、服务业三个方面论述了我国调整的重点,并通过优化国有资产配置、用产业全球化的思维、合理引导外资投资、大力发展信息产业等方面浅谈了我国相应的对策。     

黑话的使用与犯罪心理机制

黑话是民族共同语在犯罪亚社会群内产生的特殊变异 ,它的使用往往折射出种种犯罪心理现象。黑话的使用与犯罪心理梯度、认同心理、禁忌心理等因素有关。     

'Diacuí Killed Iracema': Indigenism, Nationalism and the Struggle for Brazilianness

If categories of 'race' and nationality are social and historical constructions laden with irrefutable meaning and consequences, then ethnic identities, like any other forms of identity, are means to other ends that may or may not be particular. Twentieth‐century indigenist history in Brazil reveals how the cultural politics of indigenism and nationalism can coalesce in a tautological politics of identity that undermines individual liberty and democratic heterogeneity. The concepts 'post‐indigenism,'post‐nationalism' and 'post‐identity' point to the strategic suspension of the infinite heterogeneity of the political subject as a means to widen the ground of shared experience and common interests beyond the realm of hollow and oppressive essentialisms.     

Corporatism packaged in pluralist ideology: the case of Slovenia

Corporatism has been an influential doctrine in the Slovenian polity since its beginning. After the onset of democratization in the early 1990s, its influence remains strong. Forms of corporatism are embodied in the National Council as the second chamber of parliament, in the chamber system, the system of social partnership and the RTVS (Public Television of Slovenia) Council. It is also present in certain socio-political priorities such as a higher value being placed on partnership over competition, on fairness over human rights, on community over individualism. Social pluralism has always been a part of Slovenian public life. Political pluralism emerged at the end of the 19th century and was never fully developed. There has always been a strong inclination in the political life of Slovenia to organize around interest groups and editorial boards of various publications, a tendency that reveals a plurality of voices but a general unwillingness to fight for political power. It could also be concluded that the development of pluralism in Slovenia relies heavily on corporatism because of the general lack of liberal foundations.     

Increasing Evidence-Based Programs in Criminal and Juvenile Justice: A Report from the Front Line

For the past 5 years in the United States, there has been an increased emphasis on evidence-based programs, and, in particular, the promotion of experimental designs as the highest standard of evidence. This interest has been fueled by the Federal government's demand for accountability that links budget allocation with program performance. The National Institute of Justice, the research, development and evaluation agency within the Office of Programs in the U.S. Department of Justice is undertaking a number of efforts to improve the quality of evaluation research and address the need for evidence-based programs. These efforts have focused on making improvements upfront in the grant selection process so that well-designed evaluations will be undertaken and in the management and monitoring of ongoing evaluation research grants so that implementation and design issues can be identified and addressed. Evaluability assessments is a key strategy that NIJ is relying on increasingly to identify programs that have a high likelihood of being successfully evaluated. Whether these efforts will lead to an overall increase in the rigor of NIJ-supported evaluations remains unanswered at this time. The views expressed are those of the authors and not necessarily those of The National Academies or the National Institute of Justice.     

以共享促共生:疫情冲击下全球治理转型的中国推进

新冠肺炎疫情作为当今世界面临的最严峻的全球性问题,其应对最有效的路径仍是全球治理。危机之下人类社会的存续需要超越私利实现国家间共生。相对于西方传统的全球治理理念,中国方案基于对疫情下全球化时代的共生性判读,明确了推动构建命运共同体的共生型全球治理目标,推动全球治理转型从消极共生向积极共生实现结构优化。然而,依靠共生自身升级的滞缓性与现实需求的迫切性之间存在矛盾,"共生"在资源分配、认同建构以及合作实现等方面并不具备必然性,无法为现实问题的解决提供普遍化的标杆与规范,需要借助"共享"的理念工具进行有效助推。具体来说,就是以共生关系的主体性、共生纽带以及共生底线为出发,从资源配置的优化、主体认同的强化以及和谐包容的价值引领三方面着手,将共享理念融入到人类命运共同体的建构中,并通过中国对全球治理转型的过程参与,有效实现共享从理念引领到现实助推的功能转换,为新型的共生型全球治理模式的良性运作提供助力。