试论贞操权

贞操权为区别于身份权性质的配偶权,是男女均享有的以性行为为特定内容的一项独立的人格权。其侵权为一般侵权行为,其损害赔偿仅限于精神上的损害赔偿。     

行政垄断与WTO国民待遇原则的冲突法律探析

WTO国民待遇原则要求国内、外企业在国内市场地位平等、公平竞争 ,我国普遍存在的行政垄断破坏了平等竞争的市场秩序 ,与国民待遇原则发生冲突。规制行政垄断必须遵循国民待遇原则 ,有计划、有步骤地进行。     

十六大的历史地位与主题

中国的改革开放和现代化建设发展到今天,要求我们继续前进,在人民生活总体上达到小康水平的基础上,建设更高水平的小康社会。全面建设小康社会的目标,是历史向我们提出的课题。我们党必须勇敢地担负起这个历史任务。全面建设小康社会,这是实现现代化建设第三步战略目标必经的承上启下的发展阶段,在整个社会主义初级阶段具有很重要的地位。十六大无疑是党的历史上一个重要的里程碑。     

中国经济转型与民族地区经济发展

转型经济学不只是指出转型的方向,更要分析转型的成本,寻求最低成本最小摩擦的转型,即在发展、和谐、合作中实现转型.中国正处于一个从计划经济到市场经济、初级市场经济到现代市场经济的转型关键期;目前改革领域正深入到政治、文化、教育等领域;改革的阻力进一步增强.中国少数民族地区经济发展及经济转型有其特殊性和复杂性.应该加强对宗教信仰的管理和引导,大力选拔和培养民族干部,大力发展非国有经济.     

Venezuela,April 2002: Coup or Popular Rebellion? The Myth of a United Venezuela

This article assesses the merits of opposing National Assembly reports into the coup against President Chávez of Venezuela in April 2002. Looking at the historical context and the content of the reports, it argues that the two opposing accounts reflect a class division that has always existed in Venezuela but has been officially denied. It concludes that a possible exit from the stalemate could be that the opposition accept the reality of this class division and therefore the Chávez government as a legitimate representative of the popular classes. This, however, is unlikely in the present circumstances.     

论经济犯罪在逃嫌疑人的缉捕

在经济犯罪中,犯罪嫌疑人的潜逃具有与传统刑事犯罪嫌疑人潜逃不同的一些特点,缉捕中应当针对经济犯罪嫌疑人及其身份都确定、犯罪嫌疑人及其身份都不确定两种情形,有针对地开展侦查缉捕工作。     

不同手机及不同通信网络通话录音质量评析

目的为送检手机通话录音质量的审查提供理论依据。方法提出一种定量化的语音检材质量评价标准,并对不同手机及不同通信网络下的录音进行质量评价。该标准基于主流鉴定设备,涵盖了声学语谱图共振峰个数及数值、基频参数、区域平均频谱等分析方法以及声纹比对测试。结果实验结果显示,不同条件下得到的通话录音质量存在一定的差异性,会对声纹图谱鉴定产生一定影响,但并不会造成本质性差异。结论语音同一认定中,对基于移动通信网络获取的检材录音应考虑到通话语音质量的差异性对检验的影响,并在鉴定分析中加以评估和克服。     

Japan and identity change: why it matters in International Relations

Abstract

Two approaches to identity have been employed to explore issues in Japan's international relations. One views identity as constituted by domestic norms and culture, and as constitutive of interests, which in turn cause behaviour. Proponents view Japan's ‘pacifist’ and ‘antimilitarist’ identity as inherently stable and likely to change only as a result of material factors. In the other approach, ‘Japan’ emerges and changes through processes of differentiation vis-à-vis ‘Others’. Neither ‘domestic’ nor ‘material’ factors can exist outside of such identity constructions. We argue that the second, relational, approach is more theoretically sound, but begs three questions. First, how can different identity constructions in relation to numerous Others be synthesised and understood comprehensively? Second, how can continuity and change be handled in the same relational framework? Third, what is the point of analysing identity in relational terms? This article addresses the first two questions by introducing an analytical framework consisting of three mutually interacting layers of identity construction. Based on the articles in this special issue, we argue that identity entrepreneurs and emotions are particularly likely to contribute to change within this model. We address the third question by stressing common ground with the first approach: identity enables and constrains behaviour. In the case of Japan, changes in identity construction highlighted by the articles in this special issue forebode a political agenda centred on strengthening Japan militarily.     

The North Korean abduction issue: emotions,securitisation and the reconstruction of Japanese identity from ‘aggressor’ to ‘victim’ and from ‘pacifist’ to ‘normal’

Abstract

After Kim Jong-il's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalisation of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. It has also grossly overshadowed the atrocities for which Imperial Japan was responsible in the 20th century. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively ‘less important’? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan – from the identity of a curiously ‘peaceful’ and inherently ‘abnormal’ state, to that of a more ‘normal’ one. The differentiation of North Korea as ‘abnormal’ emphasises Japan's own (claim to) ‘normality’. Indeed, by incarnating the perils of Japan's own ‘pacifist’ ‘abnormality’, which has been so central to the collective sense of Japanese ‘Self’ in the post-war period, the abduction issue has become a very emotional argument for Japan's ‘normalisation’ in security and defence terms. The transformation from ‘abnormal’ to ‘normal’ is further enabled by Japan trading places with North Korea in the discourse, so that Japan is defined as ‘victim’ (rather than former aggressor) and North Korea as ‘aggressor’ (rather than former victim). What is at stake here is the question whether Japan is ‘normalising’ or ‘remilitarising’, and the role of the abduction issue discourse in enabling such foreign and security policy change.     

国外新区域主义理论的三重理解

新区域主义是地方治理研究在传统联合政府模式和公共选择模式基础上产生发展起来的。在英文文献当中,新区域主义理论可以从区域空间、区域身份与区域整合等三个角度进行解读。从区域空间角度来看,新区域主义主要强调各种不同主体在“区域空间”范围内的关系构建;从区域身份角度来看,新区域主义理论将区域治理与社会建构理论相结合,强调了区域在形成过程中的主观性和文化价值取向;从区域整合角度来看,新区域主义理论强调区域整合方式的弹性化,政府负责提供交流合作的平台,引导地方政府和公民主体在区域内流动并促进各主体在自愿基础上开展自发的合作。