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221.
八大是中国共产党执政后召开的第一次全国代表大会,是中国共产党的历史上一次里程碑式的会议。从历史的进程看,八大在党从革命党向执政党转变的过程中,具有重要的历史地位。八大是党从革命党向执政党转变的历史起点;八大是党的执政意识形成的起点;是执政目标制定的起点;是党的功能转型的起点。  相似文献   
222.
陈咏梅 《河北法学》2008,26(4):65-70
香港特区终审法院在庄礼源案的裁决对香港产生了深远重大的影响。该案的判决与全国人大常委会在1999年6月26日对香港基本法有关条款作出的解释不尽一致。若终审法院在裁决庄丰源案时能考虑到"人大释法"就有关筹委会的意见已反映在《基本法》第24条第2款其他各项的立法原意这一决议中,则有相当充分的法律理据来裁定庄丰源败诉。这样非法入境、逾期居留或在香港临时居留的人在香港逗留期间所生的中国籍子女,并不能享有香港居留权。同时,内地孕妇亦不会因为希望其子女获得香港居留权而引发争相到香港产子的情况。  相似文献   
223.
肖晞 《东北亚论坛》2006,15(6):62-66
2006年2月6日出台的美国《四年防务评估报告》,首次称中国是“最具有与美国进行军事竞争潜力”的新兴大国,并指责中国正常的国防建设,称中国对安全事务采取了“遮掩的态度”,“中国军力扩张的速度和范围已使区域军力面临失衡的危险。”五角大楼对中国的这种战略定位,折射出中美冲突的实质,即美国作为霸权护持国,采取一切有效手段防卫“挑战者”,从而引发的竞争、矛盾和斗争。由于中国和平发展的既定战略是明确的,在这一变量确定的情况下,未来中美冲突的发展模式将在很大程度上取决于美国对华政策的走向。  相似文献   
224.
This paper argues that the first visit ‘back home’is important for refugees because it acts as a catalyst forrenewed engagements with host country and country of origin.The study shows that conditions in both countries impact ondecision-making and ultimately that integration and return cancoexist. The first re-connection with ‘home’ isdescribed as a memorable event in and of itself. Marked by anawareness of the passing of time, it provides both an end towaiting and worrying and a measure of one's progress (or lackof) in life, thus enabling participants to move on. Establishmentof safety nets in both host and home countries as a conditionfor permanent return distinguishes the predicament of theserefugees from that of other migrants. As the meeting betweenimagination and reality, the first visit contributes to there-examination of the refugee cycle, the myth of return andthe meaning of home in a context where return encompasses onediscrete experience, the visit, and subsequent events. Overall,the paper provides a link between the literature on return asimagined while in exile and accounts of the reality of post-return.  相似文献   
225.
所谓海权,分别有海洋权力、海洋权益和海军力量的涵义。海权对于我国具有重要意义。从国家安全方面看,海权对于我国的经济安全和国防安全具有重要意义。从政权稳固方面看,海权对于我国人心向背、人员就业与社会稳定和我国与海上邻国的海上争端的结果具有重要影响,从而对我国的政权稳固具有重要意义。  相似文献   
226.
Victimization incidence rates produced from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) are a generally accepted annual indicator of the amount and type of crime in the United States. However, persons who report a large number of similar victimizations—known as series victimizations in the NCVS—are currently excluded in government reports of annual violent victimizations. This paper quantifies the effect of series incident counting procedures on national estimates of violent victimization. The findings suggest that these high-volume repeat victims can have a significant impact on the magnitude and distribution of violent victimization. Current government counting rules that exclude series incidents do not include about three out of every five violent victimizations and distorts the characterization and risk of violence in the United States. However, the inclusion of series incidents introduces significant estimate instability. One remedy is to use prevalence rates in concert with incidence rates to present a more complete and reliable picture of victimization.
Michael PlantyEmail:
  相似文献   
227.
Methodological aspects of the Dutch National Threat Assessment   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper discusses issues related to measuring organized crime as they have become manifest in the Dutch contribution to the EU Organised Crime Threat Assessment (OCTA). It intends to convey to a wider academic community certain issues of definition, methodology and accountability, understanding the NTA process in terms of the communication of risks in a context of competitive defining institutions.
Peter KlerksEmail:
  相似文献   
228.
This article discusses young Pakistanis' self-articulation of their relationship with the state, focusing in particular on the perceptions held by those aged between 15 and 25 and who are in education. The research used a mixed methods approach. Data were collected in 6 private, 11 philanthropic and 3 government schools as well as 2 madrassas and 5 universities in urban, semi-urban and rural areas in Punjab, Sindh and Balochistan. A questionnaire with qualitative and quantitative sections was distributed to class 10 students and over 1000 questionnaires were returned. The research found, on aggregate response, that there is a high sense of belonging to the nation, yet paradoxically also a high sense of alienation with regard to the state. Whilst most of those surveyed professed awareness of their rights and duties, the youth was seen by the same respondents as mostly ignorant of these. The factor that caused the greatest variation was the type of school attended where responses and attitudes regarding the state, rights, responsibilities and citizenship differed markedly. This article discusses how this school ‘choice’ is linked with particular perceptions of citizenship by looking beyond class and problematising the relationship between education and the perceptions of the state.  相似文献   
229.
监所检察权是检察机关的一项重要权能,目前主要通过在监管场所设置派驻检察室的模式来行使检察监督权。长期以来。这种设置派驻检察室的监督模式存在很多问题,其中派驻检察人员与监管场所“同化”的问题最为突出,导致监督效果不佳。需要借鉴国家审计监督模式的经验,改目前派驻检察为主的监督模式向派驻检察与巡回检察并重的过渡模式,并最终实现巡回检察为主的监督模式。  相似文献   
230.
走向全民健康保险:论中国医疗保障制度的转型   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
中国已经进入全民医保的时代,但医疗保障体系呈现碎片化的特征,其内部的若干制度安排之间出现了不协调。中国医疗保障体系亟待进一步转型,转型的重点和方向是将基本医疗保障体系从现行分散化、碎片化的社会医疗保险制度,改造为集中化、一体化的社会医疗保险制度,即全民健康保险。推进全民健保是"发展型社会政策"的体现,具有同时促进经济增长和社会发展的双重功效。从短期来看,这是一种简单易行而又可持续的减税计划,可以促进经济增长,有助于经济发展模式的转变;从长远来看,全民健保制度的建立标志着"社会性基础设施"的建设又迈上了一个新的台阶,这必将为中国福利国家的重建奠定基础。  相似文献   
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