全面提高党建科学化水平的战略举措

党的十八大在新形势下强调“全面提高党的建设科学化水平”的新理念,这一理念在表述上有传承更有丰富和发展。全面提高党的建设科学化水平,要深刻理解党建科学化的内涵、新形势下强调党建科学化的必要性以及全面提高党建科学化水平的路径措施。     

二重与多维:融入进程中的社会认同——北京市新生代农民工社会认同研究

通过对北京市新生代农民工9206份调查问卷的数据分析和访谈发现,北京市新生代农民工社会认同的现状为:对公共政策歧视度呈中性偏消极评价;与市民的人际交往状况较差,但未现隔离与排斥之势;对现代性的城市文化初步接纳与认同;自我身份认同游离于"市民"与"农民"之间。北京市新生代农民工社会认同总体呈现广度上的多维性与深度上的二重性特征。     

How to Win a Lost Election: Malapportionment and Malaysia’s 2013 General Election

Abstract

Allegations of electoral irregularities loomed large prior to and following Malaysia’s 13th general election in May 2013. Yet while these irregularities elicited strong reactions domestically and internationally, they are unlikely to have played a significant role in shaping the election’s outcome. Rather than how the game was played, it was the very rules of the game itself that were responsible for returning the United Malays National Organization and its Barisan Nasional coalition to power for the 13th consecutive time, as Malaysia’s electoral institutions quietly transformed the incumbent coalition’s 4% deficit in the popular vote into a 20% winning margin of parliamentary seats. This is largely the result of substantial variation in the size of electoral districts, which had the effect of delivering parliamentary seats to Barisan Nasional with significantly fewer votes than were required by the opposition to secure its seats. This article has two primary aims. First, it seeks to understand better malapportionment in Malaysia by examining the degree of distortions at multiple institutional levels. It demonstrates these distortions to be exceptionally high from a comparative perspective. Second, it seeks to understand better the factors responsible for the size variation of electoral districts, specifically the extent to which the non-partisan factors stipulated in the constitution can explain the variation. Several tests are conducted using new data on the density of voters in electoral districts. The results strongly indicate a partisan element to malapportionment. This creates an institutionalized bias against the opposition and risks increasing polarization in the Malaysian polity.     

Environmental policy implications of investor-state arbitration under NAFTA Chapter 11

Chapter 11 of the North American Free Trade Agreement requires governments to treat foreign investors the same as domestic investors, to afford them international standards of due process of law, and to compensate investors for any actions that expropriate their investments or are “tantamount” to expropriation. It allows foreign investors to submit compensation claims to international arbitration. To the alarm of the environmental community, four of the early Chapter 11 claims involved challenges to government measures that were, or appeared to be, environmental protection measures. The first three of the four claimants ultimately received compensation; the fourth claim was denied as being outside the scope of Chapter 11. This paper takes an in-depth look at the circumstances of these four claims to determine whether the claimants had thwarted or avoided bona fide environmental protection measures and to try to assess whether these claims have “chilled” government imposition of new environmental measures. The facts of the cases and developments subsequently indicate that the government actions in the first three cases were not truly environmental protection measures, but were motivated by local political and economic considerations. The fourth claim, which involved a bona fide environmental protection, was rightly rejected. Meanwhile the number of “environmental” claims under Chapter 11 has dwindled. The paper concludes that environmentalists have little ground for alarm, and much reason to be encouraged, about how Chapter 11 has influenced environmental protection.

European criminal law and European identity

This contribution aims to explain how European Criminal Law can be understood as constitutive of European identity. Instead of starting from European identity as a given, it provides a philosophical analysis of the construction of self-identity in relation to criminal law and legal tradition. The argument will be that the self-identity of those that share jurisdiction depends on and nourishes the legal tradition they adhere to and develop, while criminal jurisdiction is of crucial importance in this process of mutual constitution. This analysis will be complemented with a discussion of the integration of the first and the third pillar as aimed for by the Constitutional Treaty (TE), which would bring criminal law under majority rule and European democratic control. Attention will be paid to two ground breaking judgements of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) that seem to boil down to the fact that the Court actually manages to achieve some of the objectives of the CT even if this is not in force. This gives rise to a discussion of how the CT (and related judgements of the ECJ) may transform European criminal law in the Union to EU criminal law of the Union, thus producing an identity of the Union next to the identities prevalent in the Union. The contribution concludes with some normative questions about the kind of European identity we should aim to establish, given the fact that such identity will arise with further integration of criminal law into the first pillar.

未来五年中国国家安全面临的机遇与挑战及战略思考

未来五年中国国家安全机遇与挑战交织并存，面临世界和平、发展、合作、进步的趋势不断增强的历史性机遇，世界力量对比与国际体系变化深刻复杂，中国的战略安全环境不确定性与敏感性上升。有效维护新时期中国的国家安全，务必在观念更新、能力建设、战略谋划、体制创新等方面下大工夫，为和平发展与全面小康提供更坚实的安全保障。     

中国文艺与中华民族精神

中国文艺与中华民族精神相互作用。中华民族精神不断催生出本民族的优秀文艺,并使本民族文艺在外来文化的挑战中表现出高度的自觉性。优秀的文艺作品会提高和净化人的精神境界,庸俗的文艺作品则可能对人的精神素质产生负面的影响。繁荣当代中国文艺会对中华民族时代精神产生深远的影响。     

提高经济社会发展质量——论党的十七大主题的核心精神

强调提高经济社会发展质量，是十七大主题的固有意蕴和核心精神，是十六大主题的延伸，是十七大报告一以贯之的基本线索。作如是解读的意义在于，可以使我们更为自觉地高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜，更好地坚持以社会主义市场经济为取向的经济体制改革和进行相应的政治、文化、社会体制改革，更好地贯彻科学发展观和十七大提出的任务和各项部署。     

十七大以来中国特色社会主义理论体系研究综述

自中共十七大“中国特色社会主义理论体系”这一特定概念提出以来，学术界从中国特色社会主义理论体系的内涵、特征、历史地位、形成历程、指导意义、发展要求等方面进行了广泛而深入的研究，成果不断涌现。