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961.
962.
国家安全的具体所指是随着时代的发展而发展的,但有三个要素或者说是层次,即利益维持、利益分配和利益追求。在经济全球化的时代背景下,国家经济安全显得尤为突出。当前,中国的国家安全形势十分严峻,除经济安全外,中美矛盾、台海危机、南亚问题以及地区民族分裂主义,都对中国国家安全构成了现实或潜在的威胁。中国在这些问题上,既要坚定立场,维护国家安全利益,又要着眼大局和未来,灵活地处理重大问题。 相似文献
963.
国际机制在东亚货币合作中的效用性问题 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
在国际经济体系中,有效的国际制度安排将引起行为体的利益追求以及行为体之间的互动关系发生变化,以致国际关系行为体将在多大程度上遵守国际机制的约束。东亚区域合作具有非正规化、非制度化等特点,东亚货币合作中的机制规范并非完全以制度的形式确定下来。东亚货币合作中的机制属性主要体现在一系列双边和多边的协议中,并且是以基础的机制层次如区域性危机防范、救援机制等为发展点。由于这些发展点具备了机制属性,国际机制在东亚货币合作中的效用性便应得到更多的关注,以使得东亚货币合作能被更好地加以规范和引导。 相似文献
964.
党的十六大提出的全面建设小康社会的奋斗目标 ,丰富和完善了邓小平同志“三步走”发展战略的思想。与“总体小康”不同的是 ,我们建设的“全面小康”社会将是一个更高水平的、全面发展的、发展比较均衡的小康社会。这就要求我们必须以新的发展思路、新的改革突破、新的开放局面、新的工作举措扎扎实实推进建设全面小康的进程。 相似文献
965.
Taku Tamaki 《The Pacific Review》2015,28(1):23-45
AbstractAsia is narrated in Japanese foreign policy pronouncements as an opportunity as well as a threat. Despite the purported transformation from militarism to pacifism since August 1945, the reified images of Asia as an ‘entity out there’ remain resilient. The image of a dangerous Asia prompted Japan to engage in its programme of colonialism before the War and compels policy makers to address territorial disputes with Asian neighbours today. Simultaneously, Asia persistently symbolises an opportunity for Tokyo to exploit. Hence, despite the psychological rupture of August 1945, reified Asia remains a reality in Japanese foreign policy. 相似文献
966.
Karl Gustafsson 《The Pacific Review》2015,28(1):117-138
AbstractIn the 1990s, Japanese views of China were relatively positive. In the 2000s, however, views of China have deteriorated markedly and China has increasingly come to be seen as ‘anti-Japanese’. How can these developments, which took place despite increased economic interdependence, be understood? One seemingly obvious explanation is the occurrence of ‘anti-Japanese’ incidents in China since the mid-2000s. I suggest that these incidents per se do not fully explain the puzzle. Protests against other countries occasionally occur and may influence public opinion. Nonetheless, the interpretation of such events arguably determines their significance. Demonstrations may be seen as legitimate or spontaneous. If understood as denying recognition of an actor's self-identity, the causes of such incidents are likely to have considerably deeper and more severe consequences than what would otherwise be the case. Through an analysis of Japanese parliamentary debates and newspaper editorials, the paper demonstrates that the Chinese government has come to be seen as denying Japan's self-identity as a peaceful state that has provided China with substantial amounts of official development aid (ODA) during the post-war era. This is mainly because China teaches patriotic education, which is viewed as the root cause of ‘anti-Japanese’ incidents. China, then, is not regarded as ‘anti-Japanese’ merely because of protests against Japan and attacks on Japanese material interests but for denying a key component of Japan's self-image. Moreover, the analysis shows that explicit Chinese statements recognising Japan's self-identity have been highly praised in Japan. The article concludes that if China recognises Japan's self-understanding of its identity as peaceful, Japan is more likely to stick to this identity and act accordingly whereas Chinese denials of it might empower Japanese actors who seek to move away from this identity and ‘normalise’ Japan, for example, by revising the pacifist Article Nine of the Japanese constitution. 相似文献
967.
Qian Forrest Zhang 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2015,17(4):378-392
AbstractA government’s political identity is a key factor in meta-governance; it powerfully shapes a government’s policy aims and implementation preferences at the most abstract level and forms a stable governance mode. Dissonance between a pre-existing governance mode and the government’s evolved political identity will lead to governance failures and pose political challenges to the government. In the case of vegetable retail in Shanghai, the neoliberal developmental state transformed the hierarchical governance into market governance; but as it evolves into a corporatist welfare state, market imperfections come to be perceived as governance failures, and the government responds by reintroducing hierarchical measures. 相似文献
968.
N. Siklodi 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(6-7):820-835
Globalisation has begun to transform the processes through which citizens are differentiated and non-citizens are excluded. This article provides an in-depth qualitative interrogation of these processes of differentiation and exclusion, and argues that the transformation in these processes compels us to reconsider the conceptual dichotomy of passive/active citizens along the stayers/mobiles distinction. This transformation is most apparent in Europe, with the introduction of European Union (EU) citizenship. The article builds on Bourdieu’s cultural capital in the cosmopolitan context, existing qualitative studies on citizens’ sense of EU identity and citizenship, and illustrative focus group evidence of visiting EU and home students’ perceptions of EU citizenship across three dimensions – identity, rights and participation. The evidence indicates that we can distinguish between four categories of citizens in the EU: passive EU citizens, including two groups of stayers; the potential EU (i) and member state-oriented (ii) citizens, and active EU citizens, including EU-15 (iii) and Central and Eastern European (iv) mobile citizens. These categories reveal that important distinctions are emerging between the perceptions and behaviour of stayers and mobiles as passive/active citizens. 相似文献
969.
Henrik Angerbrandt 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2015,33(2):232-250
This article analyses the ‘politics of scale’ of how identity is linked to territory in the quest for self-determination by actors on the Christian side of the ethno-religious conflict in Kaduna State, Nigeria. Ethnic and political relations are framed with reference to scale, such as ‘the local’ and ‘the regional’, in ways that support claims for territorial control on an ethnic and religious basis. The experience of lack of access to the state is seen to be grounded in community identities. Furthermore, the state relates to citizens through religious and neo-customary authorities as a way to localise authority. This is connected to an idea that neo-customary institutions represent ‘the local’. It is argued in this article that these institutions are just as entangled in various constructions of scale as the state. 相似文献
970.
市场准入与国内规制在WTO法中应如何合理界分 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
随着“美国———赌博”案裁决的终结,市场准入与国内规制的关系问题备受关注。WTO法对成员方市场准入与国内规制措施存在不同约束,但对相关条款如何辨别和适用于两类不同措施缺乏明确的规定。在GATT项下,由于关于第3条注释的存在,GATT第3条与第11条相互排斥,且第3条优先适用。在GATS项下,市场准入与国内规制既有区分,也存在适用中的重合,为此需要对第16条中的市场准入的限制措施从严界定,以避免该规定侵占WTO原本为成员方所保留的国内规制自由的领地。 相似文献