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981.
葛现琴 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2003,1(4):62-66
破产免责制度最早产生于英国,各国的破产免责制度均是针对自然人而言。我国现行破产法律制度只适用于企业法人,在这种立法体例下,自然不存在破产免责问题。随着社会的发展,应当借鉴国外先进立法经验,确立自然人破产制度,构建适合我国国情的破产免责制度。 相似文献
982.
于祖尧 《国家行政学院学报》2002,(3):34-38
“十五”第一年开局良好 ,扩大内需的战略方针仍需坚持。但扩张型财政政策和货币政策已经出现边际效应递减的势头和政策长期化的危险倾向 ,应当适时把政策的重点转向化解经济风险。 相似文献
983.
吉米·卡特是美国历史上少有的在执政期间真正有意致力于推动世界和平的总统之一。他为抑制美苏军备竞赛,裁减军备与缓和当时的国际紧张局势做出了不懈的努力。他的这些努力使他后来荣膺诺贝尔和平奖。然而,由于卡特的这种外交方针触犯了当时美国国内某些极端保守势力的利益,在国际上又遭到苏联霸权主义的扩张带来的冲击,使他在执政期间屡屡遭受外交政策上的挫折。分析美国外交政策史上这一特定时期的种种内在和外在的因果联系,对于我们今天更深入地了解美国外交政策的内在动因具有极为重要的参照意义。 相似文献
984.
加快长春市人才资源开发的对策分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘皓 《中共长春市委党校学报》2003,(2):48-49
长春市正处于实现跨越式发展的关键时刻,急需围绕经济结构调整这一主线加快实施人才开发战略,力求在人才的数量、质量、结构和使用上实现新的突破。为此,必须解放思想,实现人才观念的创新;发展全民教育,保证人才的可持续发展;完善管理机制,建立有利于吸引人才的“软环境”;在人才使用上大胆创新,建立科学的用人机制;留住人才,建立稳定的人才队伍。 相似文献
985.
论陈云的决策思想与实践 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈云的决策思想与实践,包括5个方面的内容,它们是:以实事求是为原则,严格从实际出发进行决策;以为人民谋利益为宗旨,稳妥务实,科学决策;以调查研究为基本方法,弄清情况,决定政策;以正确选择为落点,通过交换、比较、反复作出决策;以培养具有决策能力的干部为基础,不断提高全党的决策水平。 相似文献
986.
政策执行力是现阶段高质量发展的研究焦点及难点问题。依托计划行为理论和情绪感染理论,提出了考虑情绪感染调节作用的政治信任与政策执行关系假设,并基于162份有效样本数据,对其进行了实证验证。结果显示:(1)政策受众者对政府、政策、官员的信任程度,直接影响其对政策执行效果(尤其是经济绩效)的认知。(2)政策受众者的情绪感染力,会不同方向地干扰政治信任程度与政策执行效果认知之间的关系。具体而言,情绪感染对政治信任与行政绩效关系发挥了部分显著的正向调节作用,对政治信任与经济绩效关系发挥了部分显著的负向调节作用。 相似文献
987.
Taptuk Emre Erkoc 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2019,19(1):139-154
ABSTRACTSince Weber’s articulate conceptualisation of the nexus between religion and economics, these phenomena have been examined through various academic viewpoints. While some take religion as a determining factor of economic performance, others argue that it is the economy that influences religiosity. This paper focuses on the manifestation of religion and economics in the political sphere regarding the case of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP). After discussing the literature on the relations between religion and economics, it scrutinises the AKP period, considering three specific pillars: (a) the early years of the AKP in which Western economic policies were implemented as a continuation of the Kemal Dervi? period; (b) between 2008 and 2015, when the idea ‘we can do as well’ maintained the centre stage; and (c) 2015 and onwards, when the Islamist influence on economic policy became highly apparent, particularly regarding interest rates. This study argues that the AKP changed politically in terms of Islamic influence upon the economic sphere, however this remains at the discursive level for the time being. 相似文献
988.
Segun Oshewolo 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2019,57(3):324-342
This article analyses President Obasanjo’s pursuit of Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy. While the general impression has been that Nigeria’s Afrocentric policy succeeded under the civilian administration of Obasanjo, this study contends that the record of performance is mixed. The administration’s diplomatic engagements in Africa produced a number of key upturns such as the deepening of democracy, peace and stability, and development through the framework of NEPAD. On the other hand, there were also major diplomatic setbacks. The study provides explanations for the mixed outcomes to draw important lessons that could aid the design of the policy in the post-Obasanjo era. 相似文献
989.
Olumuyiwa Babatunde Amao 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2019,26(1):93-112
This article assesses the foreign policy and intervention roles of Nigeria and South Africa in Africa, given their status as regional powers, and the regional complexes within which they operate. Drawing references from a plethora of conflicts in which these two states have intervened, this article argues that structural realism, given its emphasis on the material structure of power and the pursuit of relative gains, is useful as a theoretical framework in this assessment. The article makes a contribution to the literature by illustrating the value of structural realism as an international relations (IR) approach within which the intervention behaviour of these two African states can be analysed. The author acknowledges that while structural realism points to the fact that the pursuit of relative gains may be behind the normatively-clad role conceptions of states, foreign policy cannot be reduced to the pursuit of relative power alone. 相似文献
990.
ABSTRACTThough Central Asia is often studied through the prism of its relationships with external powers, research on local public perceptions of these different actors has largely been overlooked. The literature on Kazakhstanis’ perceptions of their neighbours, for instance, is scarce, and mostly focused on analysis of official discourse on Kazakhstan’s multi-vector policy, with little exploration of how this is received, appropriated or refuted by the population. On the basis of Gallup data spanning the last decade, and several other surveys, we test most of the main hypotheses usually advanced to explain attitudes to the US and Russia – age, ethnicity and access to information – and draw five main conclusions: (1) Kazakhstanis are not defined by an exclusive pro-US/pro-Russian dichotomy; (2) they nevertheless largely choose Russia over the US if forced to pick; (3) age does not have a significant effect on foreign policy attitudes; (4) ethnicity does affect some of the attitudes under consideration, but its effects are not large enough to produce markedly different opinions among ethnic Kazakhs and ethnic Russians in aggregate; and (5) consumption of media from Russia and access to non-governmental and Western sources of information do not seem to have significant effects on the attitudes under consideration. 相似文献