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991.
大国技术竞争是指国家行为体综合运用各类政策手段争夺技术权力的过程。技术权力可分为强制性权力、网络性权力和制度性权力。技术竞争往往是一个长时段的互动过程,可能涵盖一个或多个技术生命周期。各类技术权力在一个技术生命周期内出现的时间有所不同,技术权力的积累在两个技术生命周期的交替期也可能呈现延续或中断的不同走向。这意味着在技术发展的不同阶段,竞争主体的政策选择将依据技术权力的变化而相应发生改变。美、俄、中、欧在全球卫星导航领域的博弈以及美、欧、日、中在移动通信领域的竞争,均鲜明体现了驱动国际政治行为体开展技术竞争的意愿因素(获取权力)以及它们在技术发展相应阶段的政策选择。前者仅涉及单个技术生命周期,后者则包含多个时间上紧密衔接的技术生命周期。中国是当前大国技术竞争的主要参与者。为了在竞争中立于不败之地,应注意把握技术发展的阶段性特征,因时制宜,选择与技术发展阶段匹配的技术政策,并针对下一阶段技术发展的重点方面提前进行布局,以坚持自主创新和扩大对外开放为基本原则,通过科技创新掌握技术权力,推进构建新发展格局。 相似文献
992.
Shalendra D. Sharma 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(3):82-97
ABSTRACT The liberal international economic and political order which the United States created from the ashes of World War II and has since led is in trouble. To United States President Donald Trump, the order which provided the framework under which sovereign states agreed to follow a rules-based system of economic and political cooperation and shared multilateral governance, has not only allowed other nations (in particular, China) to take advantage of US ‘magnanimity’, but also weakened the United States economically, while asymmetric alliances compromised its military advantages. Given the sustained assault this cosmopolitan order is facing, many fear that it may not survive if Trump is re-elected in November 2020. Indeed, if the United States response to the COVID-19 pandemic is any guide, an ‘America First’ agenda, especially a hard-line approach to China, will shape US policy if Trump wins a second term. 相似文献
993.
Tom Long SebastiÁn Bitar Gabriel JimÉnez-PeÑa 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(4):466-482
The study of Colombian foreign policy emphasises external constraints and presidential prerogative in foreign policymaking. Drawing on insights from recent foreign policy analysis literature and evidence from several cases (Plan Colombia, US military bases, free trade talks with China, and ICJ arbitration of a maritime border with Nicaragua), this article challenges commonplace presidentialist assumptions. A novel model of ‘contested presidentialism’ better captures how Colombian domestic actors mobilise to raise political costs to block or modify presidential preferences. When the opposition fails to raise costs, presidentialist assumptions apply. Otherwise, presidents respond strategically by abandoning policies or substituting second-best alternatives. 相似文献
994.
Gabriele Abbondanza 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(2):127-141
ABSTRACT Since the 1960s, and especially the 1980s, Italy has participated in and led numerous peace support operations (PSOs), predominantly under the aegis of international organisations. Italy’s participation in PSOs authorised by the UN, the EU, NATO and other multilateral agreements stems from a combination of national interest and humanitarianism/multilateralism. However, although acknowledged as a significant contributor, a clear assessment of its status in global peacekeeping is still missing. In fact, Italy plays a role that is comparatively greater than all Western nations in the international fora taken into account, and, as such, can be described as ‘the West’s policeman’, from both a quantitative (number of troops) and qualitative (role within the missions) perspective. This might be somewhat curbed in the future, however, due to some of the country’s limitations on foreign policy. 相似文献
995.
AbstractWhat has driven China, a developing country that has only recently saved itself from nationwide poverty, to increase its investment in social welfare so rapidly and extensively in the past decade? Drawing on extensive field research in a prefecture-level district in southwest China between 2014 and 2017, the authors argue in this article that local governments in China provide welfare housing programmes as a veil for developmentalist industrial policies aimed at industrial upgrading and the improvement of dynamic efficiency. The article demonstrates the unique incentive structure behind the local Chinese governments’ role as the front-line investor in social welfare benefits, and how the local state has cunningly used the façade of welfare provision to (1) divert the earmarked budget to implement development-oriented industrial policy; and (2) fake a discursive congruence between the heavily interventionist local practice and the overall neoliberal central-level policy discourse that features deregulation, small government and a laissez-faire developmental pathway. Exploring this set of strategic dynamics underlining the manoeuvres of the Chinese welfare operation helps us understand the variability of welfare state forms and trajectories of developmental strategy in the Global South. 相似文献
996.
Michito Tsuruoka 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(1):34-47
ABSTRACTThe state and direction of Japan’s international engagement can best be understood as a competition between the ‘Japan first’ and ‘global Japan’ schools of thought. In light of the ever worsening security environment surrounding Japan, the gap between the Japan first school advocating a focus on the immediate needs of Japan’s territorial defence and the global Japan school arguing for more global engagement is widening. The competition between the two will continue to shape the direction of Japan’s foreign and security posture – and importantly, the global Japan school is far from winning, contrary to what Abe’s hyperactive diplomacy might suggest. 相似文献
997.
Bennis Wai Yip So 《East Asia》2006,23(2):61-86
This article reassesses the state role in the development of high-tech industries through a case study of one of the earliest
science parks in Asia, Hsinchu Science Park. Taking a historical and public policy approach to this issue, the article argues
that the state did play a positive role in the growth of hightech industries in Taiwan. However, not all positive outcomes
were derived from rational political elites and state bureaucracy. There existed many unintended and path-dependent consequences.
In addition, many planned goals have not been achieved and there were many side effects and negative outcomes neglected by
previous studies, which give significant implications for the evaluation, of state's capability and limitation in pursuing
economic development. 相似文献
998.
胡姝 《中国青年政治学院学报》2005,24(5):72-74
党的十六大把依法治国与以德治国相结合的治国方略写入了现行党章,体现了党在新的历史时期管理国家的治国之策,更加重视对全民道德的培养.在社会主义市场经济条件下,法制建设和道德建设同样重要,二者的结合是兴国之举、利民之策、强国之举、安邦之策.只有德法并举,才能构建一个良好、和谐的社会. 相似文献
999.
Charles L. Glenn 《European Journal for Education Law and Policy》1998,2(2):125-144
Educators, parents, and policy-makers in the United States, as in other countries, are concerned about the apparent inability
of many schools to contribute to the development of character and civic virtue in their pupils. The answer, experience shows,
is not for government to require a pedagogy of state-defined character education which, in a pluralistic society, would inevitably
create new conflicts. Instead, education policy should take advantage of the growing interest on the part of educators in
creating autonomous, distinctive schools, and the continuing interest, on the part of parents, in being able to choose what
school their children will attend. Schools which exhibit a distinctive character based upon a shared understanding of the
goals of education are effective not only in teaching academics but also in developing positive character traits in their
pupils. Charter schools and educational vouchers are two means of encouraging and supporting such coherent schools. The article
concludes with a series of policy recommendations designed to balance the autonomy of schools against the need for public
accountability.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
1000.
This paper discusses the impact of a leniency program on incentives within cartels. The objective of this program is to encourage a cartel member to confess and implicate his co-conspirators with hard evidence about their collusive agreement. We develop a simple model of cartel behavior under a first-price sealed-bid procurement auction and we show how an effective leniency program can prevent the internal coordination of cartel members. 相似文献