全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1182篇 |
免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 99篇 |
工人农民 | 23篇 |
世界政治 | 67篇 |
外交国际关系 | 64篇 |
法律 | 201篇 |
中国共产党 | 50篇 |
中国政治 | 113篇 |
政治理论 | 190篇 |
综合类 | 410篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 14篇 |
2021年 | 44篇 |
2020年 | 49篇 |
2019年 | 27篇 |
2018年 | 27篇 |
2017年 | 29篇 |
2016年 | 39篇 |
2015年 | 21篇 |
2014年 | 84篇 |
2013年 | 152篇 |
2012年 | 86篇 |
2011年 | 77篇 |
2010年 | 51篇 |
2009年 | 60篇 |
2008年 | 67篇 |
2007年 | 76篇 |
2006年 | 73篇 |
2005年 | 61篇 |
2004年 | 43篇 |
2003年 | 47篇 |
2002年 | 36篇 |
2001年 | 27篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1217条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
981.
Elizabeth A. Shanahan Mark K. McBeth Paul L. Hathaway Ruth J. Arnell 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(2):115-138
The policy change literature is contradictory about the role the media plays in policy change: a conduit for policy participants, with media accounts transmitting multiple policy beliefs of those involved in policy debates or
a contributor in the policy process, with media accounts supplying consistent policy beliefs with congruent narrative framing strategies
to construct a policy story. The purpose of this study is to empirically test whether the role of the media is that of a conduit
or contributor in the policy change process. This study tests whether there are differences in policy beliefs and narrative
framing strategies between local and national print media coverage of two contentious policy issues in the Greater Yellowstone
Area between 1986 and 2006, that of snowmobile access and wolf reintroduction. In the Greater Yellowstone Area policy arena,
local media accounts are believed to be aligned with the Old West Advocacy Coalition, whereas the national media accounts
are thought to be part of the New West Advocacy Coalition. With a methodology informed by narrative policy analysis, one hundred
seventy five local and national print newspaper accounts were content analyzed to determine whether these media accounts were
policy narratives, with embedded policy beliefs and narrative framing strategies. The results indicate that there are statistical
differences between local and national media coverage for five of the seven hypotheses. Media accounts are generally policy
stories, suggesting that the media’s role is more of a contributor than a conduit in the policy change process.
相似文献
Ruth J. ArnellEmail: |
982.
SIMON GLAZE 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(3):377-387
As is well known, New Labour is often presented as an alternative to the conventional preferences of the left and right in British politics. Less commented upon is Gordon Brown's self‐conscious appeal to the thought of Adam Smith in doing so. Brown claims to have rescued Smith from those on the right that interpret his ‘invisible hand’ metaphor from The Wealth of Nations to represent dogmatic advocacy of free markets. Rather than interrogate this view, Brown attempts to complement it with the ‘helping hand’ that Smith supposedly proffers in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, in order to stress New Labour's resolution of ‘enterprise and fairness.’ I argue that Brown instead reiterates the academically discredited Adam Smith Problem, in which the moral ‘Smith’ is deemed subordinate to the economic ‘Smith,’ and that his use of these erroneous characterisations highlights his commitment to a set of preferences usually associated with the right. 相似文献
983.
Jason Young 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(4):513-530
Maintaining global peace as China rises is a key strategic goal of Western liberal democracies. Compared to other western liberal democracies, New Zealand's response to the ‘rise of China’ is notable for its absence of security and political frictions and for the achievement of a series of diplomatic ‘firsts’. Can this be explained only by material concern over the national economic interest as China's role in the global economy increases or do ideational factors also underlay how New Zealand engages China? This paper employs the ontological security framework to demonstrate how New Zealand identity as a ‘small trading nation’ and ‘good international citizen’ has shaped its turn to Asia and response to the ‘rise of China'. It first analyses the origins of New Zealand's outward facing identity and resultant foreign policy positions long before China became an important aspect of New Zealand trade policy. It then shows how New Zealand seeks ontological security as a ‘small trading nation’ and ‘good international citizen’ in its relations with China and how China has responded to this type of engagement. The paper illustrates the importance of ideational factors in Western liberal democracies’ responses to the ‘rise of China’. 相似文献
984.
Irfan Ahmad 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(1):115-137
This article presents biographies of three activists of the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Following 9/11, the Indian state banned SIMI for fomenting “terrorism”, “sedition” and “destroying Indian nationalism”. Of the three SIMI activists, Qasim Omar had spent 30 months in prison and Samin Patel, a US citizen of Indian origin, 27 months. Both these prominent SIMI leaders were charged with denigrating the photo of India’s flag and making provocative speeches. I interviewed them after their release. The third was an ordinary (non-office bearer) activist. Drawing on their biographies, I argue that Islamist radicalism or “terrorism” should be construed politically. Contrary to the prevalent politics, the pivot of which is bare rationality of profit and loss and ruthless pursuit of national interests, the kind of politics SIMI actors enact is best understood as a profound act of ethics manifest in the quest for justice. As such, they are not enemies of freedom, democracy and human rights; on the contrary, activists such as those in SIMI strive to rescue freedom and human rights from being monopolised and molested by the mighty few and thereby truly universalise them. Against methodological nationalism, I take the post-World War II global order as the human condition in which to situate the radical politics of these young SIMI activists. 相似文献
985.
Nicolas Lemay-Hébert 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(4):468-489
This article analyses the concept of international administration by a multilateral organization through the lens of the effective authority of example missions, arguing that the United Nations Interim Administration of Kosovo (UNMIK) and the United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET) are very specific and distinct attempts at statebuilding. The article’s main argument is that the two most-cited cases in the interwar years – the Saar Territory and the Free City of Danzig, as well as the international administration of West New Guinea by the United Nation (UN) – while presenting interesting parallels with and providing useful insights into the challenges faced by the contemporary international administrations of Kosovo and Timor-Leste, are in fact drastically different endeavours in terms of the effective authority exerted on the ground. The article builds on this special section’s contribution on authority building, analysing the five international administrations through the prism of claimed, recognized, and exercised authority. 相似文献
986.
Gerard W. Horgan 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2014,52(4):455-472
Recent cases of partisan-motivated prorogations of parliaments at the federal and provincial levels in Canada have focused attention on this phenomenon. While such prorogations are uncommon in the mature Westminster-style parliaments, the Canadian cases are not unique. Systematic study of partisan-motivated prorogations in the Australian states has illuminated the factors commonly associated with such cases. This paper outlines the results of this literature and then tests whether the Canadian cases fit the pattern. It shows that, on balance, these factors do apply. The paper thus concludes that, while partisan-motivated prorogations may not be predictable, it is possible to identify circumstances in which there is a substantially greater risk of their occurrence. 相似文献
987.
João Márcio Mendes Pereira 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):818-839
This article analyses the agenda of the World Bank after the Washington Consensus, arguing that it became more encompassing, politicised and intrusive. This agenda expanded and recycled itself since, in addition to liberalisation, privatisation and macroeconomic adjustment, it also advocated the wide-ranging reconstruction of the economy, the relationship between society and nature, the state, civil society and visions of the world and social practices from a neoliberal perspective. It is argued that the fight against poverty was incorporated by the institution, which functioned as an auxiliary mechanism for this liberalisation. The importance of the incorporation of New Institutional Economics for this expansion and recycling is highlighted. 相似文献
988.
Maroula Joannou 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):216-218
This article explores how plays in the 1890s engaged with an aspect of evolutionary theory that had become particularly vexed—namely, the idea of gender essentialism: whether motherhood was the true calling for women; whether the bond with the infant was inevitable and instinctive; whether, as Shaw's teleological, progressive vision would have it, the woman's evolutionary role was to be the ‘life force’, selecting the superior mate for the continued improvement of the species. Considering this question can deepen our understanding of the interaction between science and literature in this period, and also usefully complicate the narrative often told about the figure of the New Woman in drama. Two plays of this period address particularly well the question of what is ‘natural’ maternal behaviour: James A. Herne's Margaret Fleming (first staged in 1890) and Elizabeth Robins and Florence Bell's Alan's Wife (first staged and published in 1893). 相似文献
989.
Recently the much‐discussed ‘New Zealand model’ of new public management (NPM) has become significantly revised. It now lacks the theoretical coherence and the market‐led focus that it relied on between 1987 and 1996. Labour‐led governments since 1999 have undertaken gradual and pragmatic – yet significant – changes in public management structures and principles, refining and sometimes reversing the model implemented in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This article does a ‘stock‐take’ of public management developments in New Zealand from 1999 to 2008, and argues that New Zealand can no longer be viewed as a leading exponent of market‐led NPM. Some NPM principles have been refined, but others have been quietly abandoned. The new National‐led government appears unwilling to undertake radical reforms, and, while it may seek a greater role for the private sector, looks set to continue with the ‘gradual and pragmatic’ approach adopted since 1999. 相似文献
990.
A substantial empirical literature exists on the consequences of local government reform programs. However, much less effort has been directed at examining how reform processes affect the outcomes of reform programs and little work has been invested in the comparative analysis of local government reform processes. To address this neglect in the literature, this article provides a comparative analysis of the contemporary municipal reform initiatives in the New South Wales and Victorian state local government systems. It is argued that the much more deliberative and inclusive Victorian approach represents a superior approach to the hurried “top-down” New South Wales method. 相似文献