司法证明机理：一个亟待开拓的研究领域

司法证明机理是指由多方证明主体共同参与进行证据推理活动的内在规律和原理。没有对证明机理的深入把握,就难以通过"证据群"获得可靠的事实认定结论。近年来,英美学者致力于对证明机理的探索,开辟了一个全新的交叉学科领域。证明机理的研究对于摆脱司法证明的现实困境具有重要意义。我们应当批判地吸收和借鉴英美"新证据学"的研究成果,综合运用系统论、逻辑学、心理学、语言学、行为科学等多种研究方法进行系统化研究,以期实现司法证明的科学化。     

The Discourse of the Extreme Right and Its Ideological Implications: The Case of the Alleanza nazionale on Immigration

Against the background of research on Italian parliamentary debates on immigration, ter Wal looks at the ideological positions of the extreme-right Alleanza nazionale (AN) concerning both immigration and integration policy. In order to unravel the ideological implications she focuses on examples of various rhetorical strategies enacted in speeches by several of the party's MPs: including stategies of self- and other-presentation, and of justification and causal explanation. This analysis shows how the AN manages to propagate an ideology of ethnic nationalism that eschews the egalitarian norms and cultural pluralism necessary for full participation by migrants. The AN's transformation and re-interpretation of the meaning of the key values of equality andsolidarietàfunction as a justification for the restriction of migrants' rights. Speakers shift the perspective from immigrants' problems to the socio-economic problems of Italians in order to recommend a policy of 'the own people first'. While the AN's discourse thus continues to build on traditional extreme-right beliefs and claims, on the other hand it also espouses New Right ideologies of cultural relativism. Moreover, unlike that of radical-right parties, the AN's discourse does not express blatant forms of ethnic prejudice in the form of stereotypical beliefs and negative representations of immigrants' personal characteristics, nor does it blame immigrants, who are rather represented, and sympathized with, as victims. The moderation of and internal contradictions in its discourse makes the AN difficult     

The collective Jew: Israel and the new antisemitism

For Theodor Herzl, Zionism, in the sense of a political movement to establish a sovereign Jewish state, offered the only workable solution to the problem of antisemitism. Some commentators today speak of a 'new anti-Semitism'. They claim, first, that there is a new wave or outbreak of hostility towards Jews that began with the start of the second Palestinian intifada in September 2000 and is continuing at the present time. Second, and more fundamentally, the 'new anti-Semitism' is said to involve a new form or type of hostility towards Jews: hostility towards Israel. This is the claim under discussion in Klug's paper. The claim implies an equivalence between (a) the individual Jew in the old or classical version of antisemitism and (b) the state of Israel in the new or modern variety. Klug argues that this concept is confused and that the use to which it is put gives a distorted picture of the facts. He begins by recalling classical antisemitism, the kind that led to the persecution of European Jewry to which Herzl's Zionism was a reaction. On this basis, he briefly reformulates the question of whether and when hostility towards Israel is antisemitic. He then discusses the so-called new form of antisemitism, especially the equation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism. He concludes by revisiting Herzl's vision in light of the situation today.     

Disproportionality and voter turnout in new and old democracies

A long-standing puzzle in electoral research is why the disproportionality of electoral systems has a negative effect on voter participation in established democracies, but not in new democracies. We propose a learning theory of electoral system’s effects, and test it in a cross-national analysis and by using Spain as a case study. Electoral disproportionality is unrelated to voter participation in early elections after democratization, but the relationship is increasingly visible as democracies grow older. The case study uncovers two mechanisms: small parties optimize their mobilization strategy only after the first democratic elections, and the difference in the turnout rates of small party supporters and large party supporters grows over time. Time is needed before the consequences of electoral systems are fully revealed. Importantly, the findings suggest that studies carried out just after an electoral system is created or reformed may provide downward biased estimates of their long-term consequences.     

Strategic Thinking,Shared Meaning‐Making and the Interpretive Turn in Policy ‐ A Case Study

Governments' demands for results in a complex and rapidly changing policy environment call for more strategic and nuanced ways of approaching policy. Drawing on the work of the British interpretive ‘turn’, evidenced in the network governance literature and the differentiated polity critique of Westminster narratives, and of Liedkta on strategy as design, this paper suggests that shared strategic narratives, more consciously applied to policy development and implementation, could deliver better results; that consensus from shared meaning‐making may have depth, and that it could emphasise the transformative over the conservative forces of individuals' traditions and beliefs. Data for the paper came from a micro‐study on the implementation of SmartGate automated border processing system in New Zealand.     

反贫困与少数民族聚居区新型农村合作医疗制度的优化——以内蒙古、云南为例

少数民族聚居区贫困人口问题,不仅是一个经济社会问题,也是十分重要的政治问题。因病致贫、因病返贫是少数民族聚居区农牧民贫困的主要原因之一。民族聚居区农牧民贫困具有区域贫困与农牧民个体贫困并存,贫困发生率高等一些共性的特征。贫困对少数民族聚居区新农合制度可持续发展具有制约性,只有对少数民族地区聚居区新农合制度进行优化设计,才能促进该制度的可持续发展。     

Governing under advanced liberalism: sport policy and the social investment state

Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship, the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government “steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.

浅谈旧村改造过程中的问题及其建议——以莒南县大店镇周家坡子村为例

为全面落实"生产发展,生活富裕,乡风文明,村容整洁,管理民主"的总要求,莒南县大店镇周家坡子村进行了旧村改造。针对改造过程中的问题,周家坡子村应重视村内闲置宅基地建设、开展"文明社区村"建设,同时各级政府应加大对旧村改造的财政支持,并完善有关旧村改造的法律法规和政策。     

How Do We Study the Rise of British Capitalism?

The rise of English capitalism is a very long historical course, during which the English revolution erupted in 1640 is a crux and critical point for the reflection on the rise of English capitalism. The British have been persistently seeking some rational interpretation of revolution and capitalism since the eruption of the British Revolution about three hundred years ago. The British people attained a set of new perspective to understand and explain the British Revolution and the rise of the English capitalism since the historical method of Marxism was introduced into Britain in the early 20th century. In terms of the hundreds of years exploration by the English, particularly the new left, holism becomes a basic view of reviewing the rise of English capitalism; the historical method of Marxism is a basic mean; the necessary breakthrough is that causes of the rise of capitalism are expanded from simple economic category to social category and taking history as a mirror and connecting tradition with reality is the fundamental aim.     

中国新型政党制度的治理意蕴

新中国成立七十年来,中国新型政党制度作为产生于中国土壤的一项基本政治制度,不断发展成熟。中国新型政党制度是极具中国特色的制度设计,也是国家治理体系的重要组成部分,其中国共产党领导下的"多党合作与政治协商"特征淡化了长久以来政党制度的"管理"倾向,凸显了"治理"特性。中国新型政党制度所具有的主体多元性、过程协商性和实践合作性等治理特征,使得多党合作的治理效能得以真正发挥,彰显了中国新型政党制度的优越性。