Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims

Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se.     

Continuing Revolt of the Urban Chinese Voters: The Case of Kepong

Abstract

Since the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party.     

新型农村社会养老保险政策评估——基于土地流转制度背景下的研究

面对人口老龄化加剧、劳动力乡城流动、土地流转加速、土地养老功能弱化、农村养老需求增长的严峻局势和新农保试点扩面迅速推进的整体性战略规划,以公共政策评估和政策外部性理论为基础,从政策执行主体、政策服务对象的双重视角评估土地流转制度背景下新型农村社会养老保险政策执行状况和实施效果,通过对东、中、西部新农保试点地区的实态调查,分别获取基层政府工作人员、新农保经办机构人员、农村常住居民三类群体共2779份有效问卷,综合运用描述性统计和通径分析方法,进一步探寻改善政策效果的有效路径。研究结果表明:政府一定程度存在职能缺位、越位,立法、财政、监管责任缺失等问题,而广大农民未能将土地流转潜在养老保障功能与新农保统筹考量,使政策难以达到预期目标,可通过发挥政府主导作用、增强农民土地流转意识、提升经办机构服务能力、有效整合养老政策等具体对策,进一步促进土地流转、提高新农保参保意愿、改善政策执行与实施效果。     

从旭普林公司案看我国法院对国际商事仲裁的监督

运用国际商事仲裁的一般理论和国际商事仲裁立法与实践,结合我国法院就国际商会国际仲裁院仲裁庭根据该院仲裁规则就德国旭普林公司案在我国上海作出的仲裁裁决所实施的司法监督,探讨了国际商事仲裁裁决与涉外裁决、外国裁决和《纽约公约》项下的非本国裁决之间的联系与区别。由此认为本案项下的裁决,既不是我国裁决,也不是外国裁决,而是《纽约公约》项下的非内(本)国裁决。     

A Pacific Sojourn: Anna Kavan and the New Zealand Connection, 1941–2

Abstract

This article examines Anna Kavan’s sojourn in New Zealand from February 1941 to November 1942 in the company of the pacifist playwright Ian Hamilton. Living in the most remote of the ex-British colonies reinforced Kavan’s ontological sense of homelessness and wish to disidentify from British society, yet the colony’s anglophone orientation offered familiarity within the strange and alien. The geography, landscapes and communities of its Pacific islands encouraged a reshaping of her imaginative engagement with otherness. Referring to Kavan’s recently published diary, ‘Five Months Further or What I Remember ab[ou]t New Zealand’, the essay argues that the New Zealand ‘experience’ encouraged her use of tropes of the Gothic and uncanny as she grappled with issues of distance, homelessness and disjunctive reality. The discussion focuses on the alternative/parallel world that New Zealand represents in stories published in I Am Lazarus (1945). It identifies experimental techniques associated with Gothic fiction by which Kavan registers the overlapping dualisms of war-torn London and idyllic rural New Zealand, and represents memory through framing devices and defamiliarizing rhetorical tropes as a distancing activity interrupting the present moment: dream sequences, irruptions into and splittings of reality, space and time reversals, doublings of self/other, disjunctive non sequiturs and ghostly mirror imaging.     

新民主主义革命时期根据地监所制度的建立与发展简介

我国新民主主义革命时期根据地监所的建立和发展 ,是指从 1 92 7年 4月至1 94 9年 1 0月新中国成立 2 0多年来革命根据地人民民主政权看守所和监狱的建立与发展。这一时期监所制度的发展可分为以下三个阶段 :一、第二次国内革命战争时期为开创阶段 ,创建了革命政权的监所 ,提出了用共产主义思想和生产劳动对犯人进行教育、感化和改造的狱政思想 ,确立了革命根据地新型监所制度建设的方向。二、抗日战争时期为建设阶段 ,在不断总结监所工作实践经验的基础上 ,逐步形成了新民主主义的狱政思想和狱政方针以及革命监所体系。三、解放战争时期是发展阶段 ,在继承和发扬抗日根据地狱政建设经验的基础上 ,有了两次大的发展 ,使民主政权监所制度的建设向着系统化、正规化方向迈进。     

On the political consequences of privatisation: the case of Teléfonos de México

This article examines the political consequences of the most important single privatisation in Mexico, that of the national telecommunications company, Telmex. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, diverse observers of Mexico claimed that, as the government pursued a dramatic privatisation programme as part of a broader plan to liberalise the economy, democratic growth would be encouraged. This argument is challenged in the case of the Telmex privatisation. It is shown how privatisation generated new resources that were channelled to lubricate corporatist relations and that the so‐called new unionism emerging from the telephone workers’union did not represent a departure from, but a culmination of, traditional state‐labour relations in Mexico.     

简论新世纪中国的马克思主义理论建设

新世纪中国的马克思主义理论建设面临着什么样的问题 ?作者从马克思主义在中国的传播和运用等历史进程论述了自己的观点 ,特别是在“让历史告诉未来”一节中提出了 :第一、马克思主义理论研究和理论建设要坚持老祖宗 ,又要坚持创新 ;第二、马克思主义的旗帜必须鲜明 ,理论阵地必须由马克思主义占领 ;第三、马克思主义基本原理的研究必须加强 ,绝不能当作老生常谈而予以忽视 ;第四、马克思主义中国化的伟大事业还要继续推进和深化 ;第五、马克思主义理论建设必须进一步深化和提高。上述见解颇有说服力。     

新媒体对青少年价值观形成影响的调查

新媒体来势汹汹,铺天盖地始料不及,一夜之间改变了我们,尤其是青少年的生活方式,特别是对青少年的价值观形成带来了不可估量的冲击和影响。为了确保青少年价值观健康形成,首先要:第一,优化媒介环境。当前的媒介环境存在着媒体引导偏移、文化煽情引导、报道失当等伦理错位。建立健全青少年价值观形成中新媒体信息监管机制,对新媒体的价值影响实施有效的监控和合理的引导,以先进的文化和思想给青少年健康成长创造新媒体环境。第二,提高青少年新媒体媒介素养。作为生存在数字化一代的青少年来说,媒介素养的高低尤为重要。通过引导的方法和新媒体伦理教育,强化青少年的媒体道德意识和法制观念,促使青少年树立自律意识和正确使用新媒体观念,培养和提高青少年拒绝诱惑能力,自觉遵守媒体规范与道德,合理使用新媒体。第三,以新媒体为平台,构建价值观引导网络。新媒体为青少年价值观引导提供了广阔的平台,其虚拟性和匿名性为传统价值观引导提供全新的视角。加强平台网站文化建设,凸显主流文化,增强主流文化吸引力和感召力,使价值观引导新媒体平台成为满足青少年需要的主渠道和主窗口。第四,加强高中阶段青少年使用新媒体的引导。     

论加强新时代党的全面领导的法规制度建设

新时代党的领导以全面领导为特征,以法治化为基本方向,为此,必须在准确把握党的全面领导内涵的前提下,完善党的全面领导的法规制度,使党的全面领导做到有法可依、有法必依。党的全面领导以政治领导为核心和根本,在党的全面领导的法规制度建设中,要着重围绕政治领导,首先从《宪法》《党章》层面对党的全面领导做出规定,同时也要在党的全面领导的主要领域做到有规可依,注重用党内法规制度解决党的全面领导存在的突出问题,这样才能更好地保证党的全面领导要求得到真正贯彻落实。