加强党的执政能力建设积极探索党的执政规律

加强党的执政能力建设,是一项重要而紧迫的任务。新形势下党的执政能力建设,是一项包括五种基本能力在内的系统工程。搞好执政能力建设,必须与党的思想、组织、作风、制度建设紧密结合,必须深入探索党执政的基本规律。     

老纽约社会的婚姻--论伊迪丝·华顿的纽约小说创作

20世纪初,美国文坛上升起了一颗璀璨之星,即女作家伊迪丝·华顿。她运用细腻的人物心理描写和精当的语言描绘了一幅“老纽约”贵族女性的生活蓝图,以独特的视角审视上流社会中女性的地位及其命运。本文在仔细研读华顿作品的基础上,分析其小说创作中的婚姻主题,认为她通过对这些贵族女性的生活际遇以及她们所处社会环境的错置现象的叙写,揭示出女性在父权制社会中的从属地位,进而窥视其反抗的声音以及日益增强的女性自我意识。     

Institutional Change in Swiss Cantons: A Contribution to Describing and Explaining Institutional Reforms

Most accounts of Swiss federal institutions are unable to explain institutional change. In this contribution the authors trace change in Cantonal reforms and then use multivariate explanation models to account for institutional reforms such as New Public Management reforms. The multivariate analyses used rely on an “event count model” to explain the frequency of institutional reforms and a “binary response model” to explain why Cantons adopt New Public Management reforms. This research demonstrates that policy research as well as innovation and diffusion theories can contribute to explaining institutional reform.     

浅论新时期的专群工作

专门工作和群众路线一直是我国公安机关工作的根本路线,并在社会治安综合治理中发挥着重要作用。但随着市场经济体制的发展以及城市化进程的加快,旧的专群工作体制已不适应变化了的新情况,因此,建立符合时代特征的专群工作新机制就成为当前公安工作亟待解决的重要任务。     

社会资本视角下中国善治问题研究

经济全球化和政治民主化浪潮的加速发展催生了社会对善治的诉求,但是,社会资本与善治之间存在着结构性制约与依赖的关系。我国政权的性质和谋求发展的政策取向决定了我国对善治的必然选择。目前,我国现代社会资本还相当缺失,制约了善治模式的普遍形成。发展公民社会的现代公民意识,增强公民的主体意识、权利意识和参与意识;发展公民社会的公共精神,提高公民社会的认同、信任、合作和互助水平;培育民间组织的发展,形成现代社会资本的网络结构,对于我国善治的普遍形成具有重要的意义。     

改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式探析

改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,是时代、国情、党情的发展变化对党的建设提出的客观要求。必须按照“实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化和程序化”要求,积极推进党的领导制度、组织制度、领导体制、机构设置、工作制度、工作机制和工作方式等方面的改革。     

电子政务与政府流程再造——兼谈新公共管理

电子政务是信息技术在政府管理的广泛应用的结果,但是,它不仅仅是一种纯粹的技术活动。为了充分发挥信息技术的潜力,降低信息化的投资风险,在实施电子政务过程中进行政府流程再造是必然的选择。结合企业信息化的经验,论述了电子政务实施过程中进行政府流程再造的必要性,以及在不同的电子政务应用层次对政府流程再造的不同要求。但是,随着电子政务应用层次的提高,也对政府管理提出了更高的要求;从新公共管理的角度对电子政务进行了进一步的探讨,研究了新公共管理对我国电子政务的借鉴意义和存在的障碍。     

社区治理框架中的居民参与问题：一项反思性的考察

本文以治理模式与公民社会的依存性作为分析的理论依据,提出考察中国城市社区居民参与的另一路径。一方面,居民参与意愿和参与程度制约着社区选择何种治理模式;另一方面,选择何种社区治理模式对于促进或制约居民参与程度具有重要影响。通过对二者互动过程的考察,从中国城市社区建设的基本哲学假设、居民—社区关系的理念预设、动员居民参与的理想目标等方面对中国城市社区居民参与动员的策略做了若干反思。     

Hedge Funds, the Deutsche Börse Affair and Predatory Anglo-American Capitalism

Boardroom trouble at Deutsche Börse, the company that operates Germany's main stock market, has recently provoked an important debate about competing capitalist models. Werner Seifert, Deutsche Börse's ousted Chief Executive, was eager to portray himself as the innocent victim of aggressive Anglo-American investors who had bought into his company but failed to understand its traditional operating ethos. In this, he was ably supported by key figures within the ruling Social Democratic Party, who, in order to shore up the party's core support, had increasingly come to blame overseas hedge funds for the development of German corporate governance models which prioritised profits over jobs. I review the SPD's structural reading of the Deutsche Börse affair, whilst comparing it to an alternative interest-based reading. The latter allows me to focus more closely on the issue which, more than any other, led to Seifert's downfall: his refusal to bow to the expressed interests of his own shareholders by pressing ahead, against their wishes, with a hostile bid for the London Stock Exchange. Seifert's eventual removal foreclosed the possibility of an integrated London-Frankfurt stock market and, somewhat ironically given the SPD's response to the affair, as a consequence it also prevented the entry of London's highly capitalised institutional investors into the German market for corporate control. The actions of Deutsche Börse's overseas shareholders might still be seen as evidence of a predatory Anglo-American capitalism. However, their successful removal of Werner Seifert may well have been responsible for temporarily keeping other financial predators at bay.     

Contracts, Compacts and Control: New Labour and Personal Responsibility

The 2004 report Personal Responsibility and Changing Behaviour: The State of Knowledge and its Implications for Public Policy by the Prime Minister's Strategy Unit is an attempt to draw together social science literature that explains why it is difficult for governments to influence individual citizens. Underlying this is the idea that across diverse areas of policy, state provision of services often has much less impact on outcomes than does an individual's behaviour. Therefore to improve outcomes, government needs to be able to encourage 'personal responsibility'. The authors focus mainly on the role of contracts in changing behaviour in a whole range of different areas; from ASBOs and crime prevention, to home-school agreements and education policy. This report appears to underpin much of the thinking within New Labour as to future policy, and reveals how ideas of personal responsibility are likely to be key to New Labour's manifesto commitments prior to the 2005 general election.