新正天丸治疗紧张性头痛46例

目的：观察新正天丸和阿米替林治疗紧张性头痛的临床疗效及不良反应。方法：４６例应用新正丸治疗（６ｇ／次,３次／ｄ）,另４４例用阿米替林治疗（２５￣１００ｍｇ／ｄ）。结果：新正天丸组基本恢复率为３４．７８％,显效率为２６．０９％,总有效率为９３．４８％;阿米夫林组基本恢复率为１５．９１％,显效率为２７．２７％,总有效率为７０．４５％。两组基本恢复率和总有效率有显著性差异（Ｐ〈０．０５,Ｐ〈０．０１）。     

超越“劳动二分法”：平台用工法律调整的基本立场

平台用工是一个宽泛的概念,具有劳动法讨论意义的是组织型平台,包括基于劳动合同的模式和非基于劳动合同的模式,后者是法律关系定性争论的对象。此种非基于劳动合同的平台用工模式不同于常规劳动关系,在劳动过程中同时存在一定程度的平台控制与劳务提供者自主,不符合现有从属性标准,不成立劳动关系,在现行法中属于民事非典型合同中的混合合同。此种平台用工在当前"从属性劳动—独立性劳动"构成的"劳动二分法"框架下不能实现有效调整,给予劳务提供者的权益保障不足。问题的成因在于劳务提供者的学理定位是"类雇员",此种平台用工的本质是承揽合同社会化,属于"劳动二分法"下的制度空白地带。因此,应根据此种平台用工中劳务提供者的社会保护必要性,构建介于民法与劳动法之间的"类雇员"规范体系,推动法律对社会劳务给付的调整框架从"劳动二分法"向"劳动三分法"转型。     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.     

Correlates of the Co-Occurrence of Wife Abuse and Child Abuse Among a Representative Sample

The co-occurrence of domestic violence and child abuse is well documented (Appel, A. E., & Holden, G. W. (1998). J. Fam. Psychol. 12: 578–599; Edleson, J. L. (1999). Violence Against Women 5: 134–154). However, little is known about the correlates of co-occurring wife and child abuse. Analyzing data from the 1985 National Family Violence Survey (subsample N = 2733), this study identified risk factors associated with the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse. One-way ANOVA and chi-square analyses were conducted to compare characteristics of parents, children, and households among subgroups of families reporting some form of abuse. Key differences emerged between the three types of homes compared (i.e., those with child abuse alone, wife abuse alone, or wife and child abuse), indicating possibly distinct etiologies and processes. In particular, the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse was marked by less education, worse health, increased reports of depression, and increased husband drug use. Findings may be useful to practitioners and researchers interested in risk factors for different forms of family violence.The total does not equal 100% because certain states report more than one form of maltreatment per child.     

“新公共服务”，公共管理的未来趋向

新公共管理与旧公共行政相比,有其显著的进步性,因为它打破了公共行政一直由僵化的、等级制的官僚组织形式所支配的局面.尽管新公共管理仍然是当今行政改革的主流思想体系,但实践已经证明了它的局限性.从公共管理的发展趋势看,"新公共服务"将是一种新型公共管理模式,因为它具有不同于旧公共行政和新公共管理的特征.     

行帮对早期工人运动的影响

行帮是中国历史上曾普遍存在的一种社会团体组织。在早期工人运动中行帮是工人运动的主要组织者,是早期工人组织的主要参照模式;同时,由于行帮狭隘的利益,又影响了工人阶级的内部团结,为早期工人运动带来了诸多负面影响。行帮抵御了近代中国资本主义发展的冲击,表现出较强生命力。行帮既是中国社会进入危机阶段的伴生物,也是中国独特的近代工业发展进程和近代工人阶级队伍形成样式的社会后果,旧式行帮的延续也同时反映了中国特有的"同乡文化"的影响。     

不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的政治意蕴

"三个代表"要求加强和改进党的建设,必须强调党的阶级性和群众性,因为党的阶级性是党的先进性的根本依托,群众性是党的先进性的重要支点,阶级性和群众性的有机结合是"三个代表"要求的生动体现。     

党的十六大报告提出的新思想

十六大报告在“七一”讲话创新的基础上 ,又有了新的发展 ,提出了许多新思想 ,主要包括 :全面贯彻“三个代表”的“关键在坚持与时俱进、核心在保持党的先进性、本质在坚持执政为民” ;“必须把发展作为执政兴国的第一要务” ;把“与时俱进”同“解放思想、实事求是”一起作为党的思想路线的基本内容 ;在新世纪我们遇到了一个求发展的“战略机遇期” ;在本世纪头二十年“基本实现工业化、大力推进信息化、加强建设现代化” ;“发展社会主义民主政治 ,建设社会主义政治文明” ;必须用“三个代表”重要思想统领社会主义文化建设 ;以改革精神推进党的建设 ,不断为党的肌体注入新活力。     

“三个代表”重要思想产生的社会历史条件

“三个代表”重要思想是邓小平理论的新发展,它的产生有其客观的社会历史条件。这些社会历史条件是国际环境的新变化,我国国内经济成分、阶级阶层、思想观念的新变化,党情的新变化,对苏联共产党和中国共产党历史经验教训的科学总结。