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121.
王承艳 《学理论》2012,(20):6-8
少数民族地区中心城市是少数民族聚居地,在城市管理执法中由于民族习惯引发的纠纷较多,构成城市管理的特殊问题,这些民俗习惯将渗透于案件的执法管理过程,形成特殊性。基于此,少数民族地区城市的执法管理,应该充分考虑少数民族文化习惯尤其是民族禁忌,采取变通执法,做到国家法律与地方文化习惯的兼容,才能使少数民族地区城市执法达到和谐目的。  相似文献   
122.
美元霸权对于美国国家利益和国际地位至关重要,使美国能够享有\"嚣张的特权\"。欧元诞生后成为美元\"唯一的竞争者\",也成为美国警惕和遏制的对象。2008年金融危机后,美国为继续维系货币霸权,利用国际货币体系这一机制向欧元区转嫁风险,具体做法包括金融机构在市场做空欧元、评级机构打压欧洲债务国、舆论唱衰欧元前景、政府拒绝国际金融监管改革要求等。受此影响,欧洲金融安全受到严重冲击,银行业坏账大幅上升,欧元国际地位下滑,经济陷入\"双底衰退\",欧元区甚至一度面临解体风险。为保障金融安全,欧洲采取了多项措施:通过建立欧洲稳定机制、银行联盟等手段加快弥补单一货币区的机制缺陷;执行严格的紧缩政策,提升经济竞争力;欧洲央行政策弹性增加,更多承担\"最后贷款人角色\";严格规范评级市场,尤其警告美国评级霸权。通过对欧洲政策的分析可以看出,由于难以形成与美国抗衡的\"国家意志\"、整体战略资源有限、在安全问题上难以摆脱对美依赖等因素,欧元区维系金融安全的主要思路是\"自我修复\",针对美国的应对措施和能力有限。这意味着,美元霸权将继续是影响欧洲金融安全的外部因素。  相似文献   
123.
目的 评价温阳健脾法治疗急性中心性浆液性脉络膜视网膜病变(central serous chorioretinopathy,CSC)的临床疗效。方法 将临床确诊为急性CSC的74例患者(75只眼)纳入研究,随机将其分为观察组(40例40眼)和对照组(34例35眼),观察组予自拟温阳健脾之中药汤剂,对照组予口服改善微循环药物(复合维生素B、维生素C、肌苷)治疗,两组均治疗6周,治疗前后分别观察患者黄斑中心凹视网膜厚度(central macular thickness,CMT)及最小分辨视角对数值(logarithm of minimum angle of resolution,logMAR)。结果 治疗后两组视力较治疗前均有所提高(P<0.05),且治疗组优于对照组(P<0.05);治疗后两组CMT均低于治疗前(P<0.05),且治疗组下降值显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。结论 温阳健脾法是治疗急性CSC的一种有效方法。  相似文献   
124.
The need to accurately estimate the postmortem interval (PMI) has prompted research into factors affecting fly oviposition (i.e., oviposition and/or larviposition) on a corpse. Research efforts have focused on whether or not diurnally active flies oviposit during nighttime hours. This study reports that nocturnal oviposition (defined as occurring between 2100-0600 h CDST (Central Daylight Savings Time)) did not occur on freshly killed white rats or mice, on beef (fresh or aged up to 48 h), on freshly thawed pigs, nor, usually, on thawed pigs that were aged for up to 48 h. Limited oviposition did occur between 2100 and 2120 h on one bloated pig at a lighted rural site. Necrophilous flies were present and active at lighted and dark sites (urban and rural) before and immediately after sunset, but fly activity on the bait ceased within 50 min postsunset and did not resume until after 0600 h. These observations support other studies reporting that diurnally active flies do not oviposit during the nighttime.  相似文献   
125.
特定的历史背景和时空定位,是具体考察腐败与反腐败的必要前提和基本原则。始终被国民党军阀封锁、"围剿"的中央苏区,腐败是从内部危害红色政权生存和帮助敌人"围剿"的最大的消极因素。在中国共产党和临时中央政府领导下,中央苏区开展了轰轰烈烈的群众运动反腐败斗争,其基本特点包括:群众运动反腐败反对"一切官僚腐化贪污浪费消极怠工份子",群众运动反腐败贯穿于一切运动和工作中,群众运动反腐败"是执行苏维埃一切战斗任务不可分离的部分"。其反腐败取得伟大成就的重要启迪是:"让人民监督权力"是反腐败的标本兼治之策。  相似文献   
126.
Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers' characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.  相似文献   
127.
ABSTRACT

A common popular and scholarly opinion of Islamophobia in the so-called ‘Visegrád Four’ or ‘V4’ (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) sees it as caused by circumstances unique to Eastern Europe. Specifically to blame, it is alleged, is a distinctive local history of intolerance, especially antisemitism, and the fact that under socialism these countries were exempt from the post-war soul-searching that took place in Western Europe. Kalmar’s paper, instead, decentres Islamophobia in the V4 by considering it less as a limited regional phenomenon, and more in terms of how it is linked to Islamophobia in other European Union member states and the United States. As elsewhere, foremost among the conditions that encourage Islamophobia in the V4 is the alienation of certain publics on the periphery, which is an effect of global neoliberal policies. These have generated, along with Islamism and Islamophobia, a reinvented, essentializing discourse of difference between Eastern and Western Europe. In spite of that alleged difference, however, Islamophobic populism in the V4 is not just a regional threat to liberal democracy, but targets all of the European Union and the world.  相似文献   
128.
邓小平政治合法性理论是以经济绩效为主、意识形态为辅。有合理性也有局限性。科学发展观是对邓小平政治合法性理论的丰富发展,为新时期巩固党的执政合法性指明了方向。  相似文献   
129.
自从苏联解体之后,中东欧国家面临着政治行政体制转型的多样选择。基于新制度主义的理论基础,论文旨在探析中东欧国家政治行政体制的改革背景。论文指出,在新制度主义理论视角下,出于文化和历史对政府结构的影响,中东欧各国家的改革进程、转型路径和制度体系存在着巨大的差异性。在分析了中东欧各国政治行政体制差异的文化根源和因此产生的特殊转型路径,以及各国政治行政体系改革模式之后,论文指出,中东欧国家政治行政体系转型并不存在唯一的最优解决方案,成功的改革模式可以借鉴但不能复制。  相似文献   
130.
This article examines the extent to which the World Bank-funded Village Investment Project in Kyrgyzstan promoted empowered participation of citizens in co-financing arrangements. It is based on in-depth qualitative interviews and focus-group sessions in 16 rural communities. The study found that the poor and marginalised did not always have the ability to engage in the processes of consensus building, influencing local decision making, and exercising free choice with regard to the contribution requirement. Participatory projects must carefully design arrangements and operational procedures for the co-financing component of the project, in order to support citizen empowerment and democratic inclusion.  相似文献   
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