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951.
In this article, we explain how the political opportunity structure characterized by official secularism and state regulation of religion has shaped the politicization of religiously oriented civil society in Turkey. The ban on religious political parties and strict state control over religious institutions create constraints for the expression of religious interests. However, due to changes in laws regulating the civil society sector and rule by a religiously sympathetic political party, religious groups use associations and foundations to express their interests. We observe that, in this strictly controlled opportunity structure, religiously oriented Muslims have framed their religious interests in the political realm parallel to those of the dominant political party, the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Through a study of non-governmental organizations we document the rhetoric religious groups use to frame their position on several key issues: religious freedom for the majority religious group, methods of resolving issues related to minority populations, and the Ottoman heritage of charitable service.  相似文献   
952.
What forms do Islamist moderation take, and which factors underlie each form of moderation? Although a prevalent question in recent years, less is known about the causes and forms of Islamist moderation in a systematic fashion. By building on the findings of Communist moderation literature, we introduce a two-stage framework to explain variation in Islamist party moderation over time and across space: tactical vs. ideological moderation. Tactical moderation refers to the kind of moderation where radical parties make a decision on whether to accept electoral democracy as a means to achieve ideological goals without compromising their platforms. Structural factors such as political liberalization, international factors and state repression are causes of tactical moderation. Ideological moderation pertains to shifts in a platform from a radical niche to more moderate lines to respond to societal changes (economic liberalization, economic growth, electoral loss and changing voter preferences) to gain greater popular support. Empirically, we analyse the Italian Communist Party and the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco in a comparative perspective. In providing evidence through structured comparisons and field interviews, we hope to advance a more universal, generalizable theory of radical party moderation.  相似文献   
953.
伴随着社会阶层的分化,不同的利益集团表现出了不同的利益诉求.社会利益分化是协商民主的动力,和谐社会构建是协商民主的目的,它回答了为什么要健全协商民主的问题,而组织创新和制度创新,则回答了怎样协商的问题,规范化、制度化、实效性则是回答怎样更好地协商的问题.  相似文献   
954.
在推进马克思主义大众化过程中引入ISO9000族标准,是深入推进马克思主义大众化的最新探索.通过对ISO9000族标准运用大众化的可行性、作用以及运用原则的分析,并把推进大众化的原则、方法和理论与ISO9000族标;位的原则、方法和理论有机结合起来,坚持科学的运用原则,从而为当代进一步推进马克思主义大众化工作提供崭新的思路  相似文献   
955.
Abstract

There is an underlying optimism in much of the literature that considers the emergence of social movements as being associated with deepening processes of democratization. The expansion of civil society is seen to expand political space. This paper takes a critical lens to this perspective, using recent political events in Thailand as a case study of the political strategies and alliances of social movements. We examine the debates that saw many social movements and their leaderships initially support elected Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai Party only to see this support drain away as these same movements called on their followers to bring down the government. More importantly, we examine how these movements came to ally with conservative forces associated with the palace and military. Based on the Thai case study, we suggest that these seemingly unlikely outcomes result from the very nature of social movements. Leadership by middle-class activists, the need for alliances, the development of networks, and a focus on single issues and identities leads social movements to make substantial political compromises. The consequences can be negative for democratic development.  相似文献   
956.
This research note describes an update to Golder's (2005)Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) dataset. We extend the temporal scope of the original dataset by including all legislative and presidential elections that took place in democratic states from 2001 to 2011. In addition to significantly expanding the size of the DES dataset, we offer a simplified classification scheme for electoral systems. We also provide more detailed information about all democratic elections since 1946, including the dates for each round of elections as well as the rules used in different electoral tiers. A brief temporal and geographic overview of the data is presented.  相似文献   
957.
Abstract

Northeast Asia is notable for the relative absence of regional institutions. The Six Party Talks could constitute an embryonic starting point for the development of such institutions. The path toward greater institutionalization is likely to begin in a modest fashion. Functional working groups on topics such as the environment, maritime transport, technical barriers to trade, road and rail links, and energy could provide the locus for integrating North Korea into the broader regional and global economies. Foreign ministries will inevitably take the lead in developing the Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism (NEAPSM), but meaningful economic achievements will require the involvement of other ministries. North Korea has proved problematic in this regard thus far. Moreover, given the importance of private-sector involvement in achieving sustainable economic development in North Korea, modalities will have to be developed to integrate private-sector actors when possible. The governments of the region, and particularly China and South Korea, may continue support on a bilateral basis as a hedge against North Korea's collapse or as inducements in the context of the nuclear talks. But the development of more permanent multilateral structures is unlikely until the nuclear issue is resolved.  相似文献   
958.
Images of Labour     
Abstract

This paper looks at the continuities and changes in the nature of election campaigns in Britain since 1900 by focusing on the way campaigning has changed and become more professional and marketing driven. The piece discusses the ramifications of these developments in relation to the Labour Party's ideological response to mass communication and the role now played by external media in the internal affairs of this organisation. The paper also seeks to assess how campaigns have historically developed in a country with an almost continuous, century long cycle of elections.  相似文献   
959.
党务公开是中国共产党加强执政能力建设的一个重大举措,是走向权力文明进而促进政治文明发展的必由之路。党务公开的实质是权力公开透明运行,其目的是增加党内工作和党内生活的透明度,保证广大党员的主体地位和知情权,进一步加强对权力的监督和制约。封建官本位的文化价值观、党组织对自身利益的维护、以传统管理方式和经验从事党务工作以及上下级党组织党务公开互动管道不顺畅是阻碍党务公开和权力受监督制约的重要因素。只有以党内民主的文化价值观颠覆和清除封建官本位的文化价值观,正确认识和协调好党组织自身利益与广大党员以及人民群众利益的关系,将党务公开的经验管理和常规管理转变为信息管理和科学管理,畅通上下级党组织党务公开的互动管道,才能以权力文明促进党内民主发展和政治文明发展。  相似文献   
960.
"侨务公共外交"作为中国特色公共外交的重要组成部分,也是一国在国际社会中确定其正当性和认同度的一条重要路径。文章在分析、总结致公党开展中国特色侨务公共外交的优势、特点和存在的困难的基础上,提出了工作的目标任务,并围绕这一目标任务的实现,建议做好统筹规划,积极推动涉侨部门开展中国特色侨务公共外交的协调配合;发挥"侨""海"优势,多渠道拓展致公党服务中国特色侨务公共外交的领域和空间;重视理论研究,积极推动有中国特色侨务公共外交理论体系的建立;创新履职思路,努力推动中国特色侨务公共外交的机制建设和可持续开展。  相似文献   
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