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941.
In this article we set out to bridge a surprising methodological gap between two time-honored research traditions – news media content analysis and the policy sciences analytic framework. Lasswell, a recognized pioneer of both the method and the framework, discussed the mutual benefits of each decades ago. But few researchers, if any, have formally linked the two. To that end, in this article we (1) make the case for using news media content analysis to inform research studies using the policy sciences analytic framework; (2) introduce an original content analysis categorical system for that purpose; (3) demonstrate that system with a study of 90 national news articles about the stratospheric ozone hole; and (4) compare our system to others used to examine news content. We report that our system, used by human coders, is well geared to describing and mapping trends in the social process surrounding the development of the Montreal Protocol ozone treaty during the intelligence gathering and promotion phases encompassed by our data sample. We argue that other content analysis systems fall short – in structure and purpose – of meeting the promise ours holds to the policy scientist. 相似文献
942.
区域协调发展是当前经济社会发展的重点问题。山东区域发展不平衡问题比较突出。解决这一问题,必须建立区域一体化发展机制,建立分工合作机制,建立区域整合机制,建立支援欠发达地区发展的长效机制。推动区域协调发展,还必须有强有力的政策支持。 相似文献
943.
公共政策创新中合法性要素的制度分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
公共政策创新中的政策供给是建构性的,因此,它必须通过各种渠道获得合法性要素的支持方能得以实施,否则,也可能因合法性要素的支持短缺而蔫死在襁褓之中。可见,合法性要素是政策供给的给养,只有给养充分,政策创新才能顺利进行。历史上存在着大量的公共政策创新失败的案例,其重要原因在于缺乏一系列必要的合法性要素的支持,这些要素是共同性支持、同源性支持、关联性支持和社会成员通过利益集团的支持。它们在公共政策创新中缺一不可,否则将导致公共政策创新的最终失败。因此,公共政策创新必须在这些要素的全面支持下获得合法性方能成功。 相似文献
944.
明代,尤其是16世纪以后,中国人开始大规模地往东南亚地区经商和移民,至清初以前,东南亚各地华人华侨的职业以经商为主,商贾小贩和亦工亦商的手工匠人是其主体.他们凭借自身的辛勤努力和卓越的商业智慧赢得了事业的成功,并极大推动了当地商品经济的发展.因此,了解明代东南亚华商的经营活动及其经营之道,是了解海外华人开拓史的基础,本文即对此作一粗疏探讨. 相似文献
945.
语言政策与国家利益存在内在联系.本文以印尼政府华文政策的演变为主线,主要阐述了苏加诺时代、苏哈托时代以及后苏哈托时代印尼国家利益的变化及其对华文政策的影响.语言政策没有独立性,其目标始终对应着国家利益的需要. 相似文献
946.
This article provides a response to Prof. Thomson's critique, noting many points of agreement and also the broader consensus that is emerging among experts in the field. The research evidence, and the wider body of knowledge on children's well‐being generally, supports the proposition that relocation is a risk factor for children after parental separation but provides no support for a general presumption either in favor of, nor against, relocation. Nor should it be assumed that the interests of children are the same as those of their primary caregiver. We defend our three questions arguing the need in an adult‐centric debate to focus resolutely on children's interests rather than on adult rights. Both Prof. Thompson's approach and our own involve guided decision making with the child's best interests as the paramount consideration—his through weak presumptions based upon research about how judges respond to relocation issues and ours through focused questions based on research on how parents and children respond to relocations issues. We do not consider that codifying the existing practices of the courts represents real reform. We identify various risks involved in using presumptions, but note that, in jurisdictions with limited publicly funded resources for individual case assessment, presumptions, burdens or guidelines may be needed to offer rough justice to impecunious parents.
- Key Points for the Family Court Community
- Notes points of emerging agreement on relocation within the research community
- Explores the differences between the use of presumptions and focused questions and highlights the role of empirical research of the lived experience of children and families postrelocation disputes
- Identifies how the level of public resourcing for the family law system may impact upon decisions about the substance of the law concerning relocation
947.
自2010年"高调介入"南海事务以来,奥巴马政府的南海政策呈现出以下几个特征:其一,从战略高度审视南海事务,将南海问题纳入到"重返亚洲"的战略架构之中;其二,以"维护航行自由"为名,寻求对制海权的掌控;其三,注重"均势"战略的运用,以求在南海形成相互制衡的格局;其四,以"巧实力"外交来实现其南海政策目标;其五,从走势看,日益由前期的模糊处理转向明朗化、强硬化。 相似文献
948.
Ayhan Kaya 《South European society & politics》2015,20(1):47-69
Referring to the linkages between neoliberal social policies and religious forms of governmentality, this article analyses the Islamisation of Turkey under the rule of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) since 2002. It discusses the strategies, discourses, and policies deployed by the AKP to take control of the state, with a particular focus on the changing environment of social policies. The focus is on the growing importance of the family, faith-based voluntary organisations, charities, education, and Islam for AKP rule. It concludes with brief reference to the #Occupygezi movement, which was partly a response to the Islamisation pursued by the AKP government. 相似文献
949.
Michael W. Fowler 《Democracy and Security》2015,11(3):227-247
Democracy promotion has been a centerpiece of US foreign policy for over half a century. This article explores the evolution of democracy promotion in US foreign relations from 1821 to 2014. While the quantity and quality of US democracy promotion policy evolved in a nonlinear fashion, US presidents varied the ways and means of democracy promotion as a way to achieve national security objectives. There is signification variation among US presidents on the specific linkages between democracy and security, resulting in divergent policy applications and technical approaches. 相似文献
950.
宋海洋 《江南社会学院学报》2015,(1)
建设“丝绸之路经济带”的构想,是中国领导人在世界经济全球化进程不断加速的背景下提出的国家间经济合作的新模式。党的十八届三中全会将其上升为国家政策和国家战略。“丝绸之路经济带”的提出,对于中国推动西部开发、保障能源安全、缓解战略压力具有重要的战略意义,同时也有利于保障中国和中亚地区的稳定。“丝绸之路经济带”的建设,面临着安全形势恶劣、国家利益冲突、交通基础薄弱和机制建设水平较低等方面的挑战。建设“丝绸之路经济带”,应从加强政策沟通、道路联通、贸易畅通、货币流通和民心相通五个方面入手,逐步形成区域大合作的局面。 相似文献