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91.
Faranak Miraftab 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2001,15(1):143-160
In the context of the current global trends such as polarization of social groups and intensified poverty, there is a serious risk that gender gaps in access to shelter widen among the poor to the detriment of women's social, economic, and personal well-being. Paradoxically, these conditions also provide certain opportunities for women, including their greater community-based mobilization and leadership role. This paper examines these risks and the opportunities they bear upon and stresses the need for intervention in four areas of rights, access, security, and empowerment. The paper draws on a participatory research project carried out by the United Nations Gender and Habitat program in 1992 to 1999 in low-income settlements of Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. 相似文献
92.
Michaelowa Axel Betz Regina 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(2):267-279
Currently, the EU-15 forms the only 'bubble' under the Kyoto Protocol and has negotiated an internal burden sharing. A strategic EU climate policy should include accession countries. Thus, even in the case of early ratification of the Kyoto Protocol by 2002, it would be sensible to form a bubble with all countries that are certain to be EU members during the commitment period 2008–2012. Of course due to Art. 4.4 of the Protocol the EU-15 has to stick to its own bubble. However, nothing prevents it from forming an implicit bubble including all first wave countries by inducing them to form a bubble on their own and transfer the surplus to the EU-15. Similarly, second wave countries should form a bubble of their own to co-ordinate JI and permit transfers to the EU. This would reduce the gap between business-as-usual and the target by about 50%. If ratification is delayed to a point where it is clear which second wave countries will be members by 2008, the bubble should be extended by those countries. When in 2005 target negotiations start for the second commitment period, the EU should negotiate a bubble consisting of all states being certain to be members by 2013. 相似文献
93.
民国初年多党议会制的追求与挫折 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
刘兰青 《中央社会主义学院学报》2001,(10):36-38
辛亥革命后,资产阶级仿效西方,追求多党竞争和议会制度,尝试的结果以失败而告终.实践证明选择政党制度不能脱离国情.回顾民国初年多党议会制的追求与挫折,分析失败原因,汲取前车之鉴,有助于理解今天政党制度的选择. 相似文献
94.
Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
相似文献
Brian GrodskyEmail: |
95.
Karlsson Sylvia I. 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(2):195-213
This paper looks at the particular challenges that cross-level interdependence has for the use of knowledge in decision-making for environmental governance. Analytical questions surrounding knowledge generation, use, and flow and the role of institutions in shaping these arise in a multi-level context. By using results from a study on pesticide use in developing countries, some of the particular challenges in relying on scientific knowledge for governance of globalized environmental issues are illustrated. The case involves a situation with significant mismatches between access to and need for knowledge by decision-makers at the different governance levels. The exploration of various strategies to address such mismatches allow discussions not only on the role of knowledge and institutional design but also their limitations and how more inclusive values would serve a system of multilayered governance. 相似文献
96.
在世界多极化和经济全球化的时代,研究欧盟对华经贸政策的历史演变,分析其影响因素,对促进世 界经济、政治以及中欧关系意义重大。 相似文献
97.
张立华 《山东行政学院学报》2004,(1):99-100
2l世纪初的国际环境对中国战略机遇期的发展至关重要。任何国家实现国家目标的过程都是国际互动过程,大国关系、国家安全及周边环境等因素将会影响中国未来的发展。 相似文献
98.
刘小毛 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2011,4(1):130-135
西方国家军队精神教育普遍重视国家利益至上的爱国主义教育、忠于军队的传统教育、坚定信念的政治意识教育、恪尽职守的道德教育、切合实际的宗教教育、健康向上的心理教育、严格要求的法纪教育,而且西方军队探索了多途径、多形式的方法,对军人进行灵活多样、潜移默化的精神教育。西方国家军队精神教育的内容、方式方法,对我国干部教育培训具有启示意义。 相似文献
99.
2012年刑事诉讼法修正案对发回重审制度予以完善,但修改不尽如人意,无法从根本上解决发回重审制度存在的弊端。考察域外主要国家刑事发回重审制度的相关规定及适用,对进一步革除我国发回重审制度的弊端提供一些有益借鉴。 相似文献
100.
王芳 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2010,23(3):55-57
行政主体是一个极为重要的行政法学概念。我国的行政主体理论是从西方引进来的,但却与西方的行政主体理论存在明显的实质性差异。行政主体理论曾经对我国行政法学理论的发展和行政诉讼制度的实际运作起了重要作用,但在近十年的实践过程中却暴露出了诸多问题,需要我们认真思考。 相似文献