海权争霸与俄苏的兴衰及其历史反思

从海权的角度分析俄苏的兴衰是一个尚未有人进行充分探讨的问题。在数百年的争夺中 ,海权的扩张固然构成了俄苏崛起的一个因素 ,但从长远的角度看 ,对海权的过度追求又构成了俄苏走向衰落的根源之一。具体说来 ,从俄苏海权扩张西进、南下和东进 3条线路中 ,西进战略较为成功 ,并促进了俄苏的崛起 ;南下和东进战略虽有所收获 ,但都遭遇挫折 ,尤其是南下的世界扩张战略直接导致了苏联的衰落。从本质上来说 ,地缘政治条件的制约、俄苏海权过渡扩张所导致的一系列矛盾构成了俄苏海权战略失败并导致国力衰微的根源之一。     

“自治”与“管制”之间:“矫治”的界限与基准——以“房屋限购令”为切入点

"房屋限购令"对市场的干预在权力来源、行使方式、政策考量因素等方面存在与宪政原理、行政法原则相悖之处,其权力运行形式亦游离于行政立法的控权范围,跨越了政府对市场的干预界限。作为一种重要的制度安排,政府对市场失灵的"矫治"限度在于市场基本经济规律的恪守与建立在基本权利划定基础上的权利尊重。市场财产权配置、权力与控权力的对比均衡度则应当成为政府是否越界干涉市场主体权利的两个判断基准。     

论税权二元结构及其价值逻辑

目前学界关于税权概念存在着一些争拗,而税收债权论和社会契约论的引入和运用,有助于对税权内涵及其本质的深层解构。显然,税权作为国家税权力与纳税人税权利的统摄,并非仅仅是一种语义上的概括,而是税权力与税权利互为债权债务关系表里的必然,其主体不仅包括行使税权力的国家,还包括授权国家行使税权力的纳税人,而且始终以保障纳税人权利的良好实现为依归。本文试图运用税收债权债务论和社会契约论来分析税权的概念和内涵,澄清税权的外观结构与内在本质,进而揭示宪政语境下税权结构生成的价值逻辑。     

关于加强中国国家软实力建设的几点思考

10月18日中共十七届六中全会在北京落幕,会议审议通过了《中共中央关于深化文化体制改革、推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣若干重大问题的决定》,国家文化建设作为软实力塑造的重要组成部分,将人们的视线再次拉回到传统文化建设上来。自从20世纪90年代初美国著名学者约瑟夫·奈提出“软实力”概念以来,它就开始成为世界各国关注的焦点。纵观近现代世界一流强国崛起的历史,可以看出“软实力”建设在其崛起的过程中发挥了重要作用。中国在和平发展过程中如何提高自身的国际影响力,如何通过软实力来塑造中国良好的国际形象,掌控能力、战略信誉以及表现能力非常重要。     

规则、权力与行动:韦伯经典科层制模型的三大假设及其内在张力

从韦伯构建社会理论的内在逻辑规则-权力-行动的分析框架上来看,其所设计的以高效率运行为目标的经典科层制模型蕴含着三大基本假设:即完全理性假设、一元制权力支配假设和中立人行动假设。无论从科层制模型的内在逻辑上来分析,还是从哥伦比亚学派和法国组织社会学学派翔实的实证研究上来探讨,科层制理论所蕴含的基本假设内含着三大张力:(1)理性规则的刚性与行动的自主性之间的张力;(2)正式权力的僵化性与行动的策略性之间的张力;(3)单一行动与多元行动之间的张力。这三大张力在现实的科层组织运行中形成了三大削平机制,实现了科层组织的动态平衡与持续发展,从而一方面祛除了科层制理性神话之魅,一方面破灭了极端批判者科层制消亡论的谶言。中国作为官僚制的故乡,西方的理论分析和实证研究为我们认识、理解并发展中国式科层制模式提供了基础与参照。     

日本加快走向“情报强国”

冷战结束以来,日本政府在加紧走向＂政治强国＂、＂军事强国＂的同时,也在加紧走向＂情报强国＂。设立＂国家安全会议＂,强化国家安全战略的决策机制;整顿战后建立的情报体制,加强情报的搜集和分析能力;加紧建立太空情报体系,编织严密的卫星侦察网络;拓展对外情报合作,建立国际性情报网络。日本正从上述多个方面不断加强情报搜集的组织、体制和情报搜集功能的建设。     

The Revolution and its Discontents: Grenadian Newspapers and Attempts to Shape Public Opinion during Political Transition

Abstract

What role did the newspaper play in attempting to influence public opinion in the early stages of the Grenada Revolution and what are the terms in which printed discourses on the revolution were conceptualised? The Grenada Revolution was a discursive political process where branding and narration were necessary elements in securing the revolution’s authority and legitimacy. This paper argues that Cuba functioned as a metonym through which the revolution was translated in Grenadian periodicals. Even before the coup of 13 March 1979 Grenadian media represented the New Jewel Movement—the revolutionary party—as Cuban-inspired and socialist. In order to examine how socialism in general, and the socialist character of the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) in particular, was narrated, a comparison is staged between two newspapers—the government-run Free West Indian and the privately owned The Torchlight. Competing discourses on Cuban communism are analysed for the ways in which they stood-in for the Grenadian people’s hopes, aspirations and anxieties in the midst of radical political change. Issues including race, gender equality, property ownership, freedom of religious practice and freedom of travel are examined in relation to capitalism and socialism, and the PRG’s efforts to maintain narrative authority of the revolution.     

网络权力：国际战略层面的新思考

网络信息时代,权力的内涵发生了深刻变化,非政府行为体和个人变得更加活跃,并冲击到了政府的权威。权力流散使国际格局发生了新的变化,行为体多元化和“一超多强”的国际力量对比关系将平行存在。未来的发展趋势将是,网络空间成为国家间竞争的新领域,网络权力成为争夺的新焦点。中国作为有影响力的世界大国,也需要应对网络信息时代的机遇与挑战,构建符合自身未来发展的网络空间战略。     

The Pacific and the Global economy

Abstract

This paper asks: ‘is ASEAN powerful?’ The argument is made that there is a divide over this question between two broad groups of scholars who are referred to as ‘neo-realists’ (including realists) and ‘constructivists’. Focusing attention on this question is useful because it helps to bring into view three, not always explicit, points of argument between constructivists and neo-realists in their assessments of ASEAN. First, the two groups draw different empirically based conclusions about ASEAN's efficacy in East Asian affairs. Neo-realists are generally sceptical about the Association's role in the region because they view it, along with multilateral organizations more generally, as peripheral to great power politicking, what they see as the real stuff and substance of international affairs. A second, conceptual, point of argument is over understandings of power. For neo-realists, power is frequently used interchangeably with force and coercion. Scholars influenced by social constructivist ideas offer a challenge to this equation of power and dominance on the grounds that power is neither necessarily negative-sum nor limited to conflictual situations. Third, we suggest that closely related arguments are marshalled by both sides in debates over ASEAN's future role and organizational structure. Neo-realists argue that a shift to a more rules-based institutional form is in order, while constructivists place their emphasis on identity building.