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111.
《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):207-238
Abstract

This paper explores the specific contribution of a strand of contemporary French social theory founded by Cornelius Castoriadis and Claude Lefort to the under standing of human power. It formulates a conception of power that transcends its definitions in terms of physical coercion or institutionalised violence to reveal the way power is creative and institutes the social. Its reflection on the cultural nature of political power and it role in society is shown to extend the pioneering reflection of Durkheim's sociology, especially as regards the homology that exists between religion and politics. The social role performed by the state explored by Durkheim prefigures Gauchet's theory of the state, which builds on Lefort's work. Gauchet's theory can be said to elaborate a critical synthesis of the two stands of Durkheim's work: the sociology of religion and the sociology of the modern state. This synthesis raises questions on the role played by the European state in the development of individualism, in both its political and economic manifestations.  相似文献   
112.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):19-39
This article analyzes the extent, substance, and underlying objectives of the European Union's (EU) new neighborhood policy in response to the Arab Spring. It questions whether the new policy approach constitutes a major policy shift or is just “old wine in new wineskins.” The article discusses the causes for much continuity and limited change in the new policy from a neo-institutionalist perspective. It concludes that both continuity and change primarily result from constraints inherent to the EU. In particular, the interaction between the Commission and the Council shapes a policy that corresponds with the normative aspirations and realist interests of the EU but hardly with the needs and expectations of the partner states.  相似文献   
113.
A decade after retrocession to China, Hong Kong still has limited democracy. Only half of the legislature is directly elected by the people, and the Chief Executive – the leader of Hong Kong government – is chosen by an election committee of 800 people, most of them loyal to Beijing. In December 2007, the Chinese Central Government announced that the direct election of the Chief Executive and the whole legislature may be implemented from 2017 and 2020, respectively. Still, in this paper it is suggested that real democracy in the foreseeable future is unlikely. This paper demonstrates the existence of a “power elite” of tightly knit business-state networks in Hong Kong society and argues that this constitutes a systemic barrier against further democratic development. Central to the discussion is an analysis of the formation and composition of the legislature and the relations to the elite-interlocks among influential organisations in society. Mainly based on 2006‐07 data, the Elite Database which is subject to network analyses is composed of 1531 individuals holding 1854 seats from 40 listed corporations, 27 government committees, 20 non-governmental organisations, and eight universities.  相似文献   
114.
韩国文化外交是其软实力的重要来源和体现。韩国文化外交卓有成效,其路径主要有政府、企业和社会组织三个方面。韩国文化外交的启示在于:经济现代化是文化外交的物质保障;政治民主化是文化外交的制度保障;完善的社会建设是文化外交可持续发展的内生力;明确的文化产业政策是文化外交的直接推动力。  相似文献   
115.
新加坡在发展的过程中积累了自身的文化软实力。其文化软实力可从政治制度和政治文化、社会制度和社会模式、意识形态和价值观念、文化多元与整合、文化艺术、教育科技等6个方面来进行分析,可概括为:高效清廉的政治、新加坡特色的民主社会主义、基于儒家伦理的共同价值观、和谐的多元文化、优雅的文化艺术、腾飞的教育科技。  相似文献   
116.
The paper analyses the connections between elite and mass opinion in the European Union. It considers both the ways in which mass publics use heuristics supplied by political elites to form their EU opinions, and the ways in which political elites respond to the opinions of the mass publics they represent. The paper employs data from simultaneously-conducted elite and mass surveys carried out in sixteen European countries in 2007. The results show that masses and elites in Europe do appear to take cues from one another in forming their EU opinions. Political elites base their individual-level opinions on the average position taken by their respective (national) party supporters. Mass respondents base their opinions on the average position taken by elite members of the (national) party with which they identify.  相似文献   
117.
In recent years Myanmar underwent drastic political changes. While many see these changes as first tentative steps towards democratization, we argue that the current political transformation is not a deliberate process of liberalization, but a survival strategy of the military regime. Using arguments of the ‘new institutionalism’ as a theoretical foundation, this article explores the hypothesis that the high degree of professionalization of the Burmese military creates the incentive to institutionalize power-sharing among the ruling elite. Our empirical analysis finds evidence for both a highly professionalized military and institutions that by securing the military's continuing dominance serve the purpose of institutionalizing military power- sharing. These results imply that further democratization is unlikely as it must be initiated from within the still dominating military itself.  相似文献   
118.
在社会转型、法治初创的社情下,由于种种原因,检察机关的行政法律监督较为薄弱,在一定程度上存在法律监督空位和监督不力的状况。这种"缺位"现象主要体现在行政执法监督的范围、方式以及权力行使边界等基础的检察监督理论尚未形成统一认识和可行性监督路径。检察机关的行政执法监督的范围应界定为"具体行政行为的合法性"。行政执法监督权方式可划分为检察监督侦查权、检察监督诉权、检察监督建议权三类。行政执法监督的权力边界,即行政执法监督权的行使应坚持谦仰原则和"刑事先理"原则,形成内外结合的权力制约机制和"被动申请为主、主动介入为辅"的权力启动机制。  相似文献   
119.
传承和弘扬中华优秀传统文化,是中国共产党的性质所定、使命所在、职责所属。把中华优秀传统文化融入党的文化软实力建设,这是坚持中国共产党对文化建设领导权的内在要求,是中国共产党在新的历史条件下把握执政规律,丰富执政文化资源,以自我净化、自我完善、自我提高的内在体现。这是推进党的建设新的伟大工程的重要载体,有助于培育和形成强大的执政党文化软实力,有利于提高党的领导水平和文化执政水平,加强党的对文化建设的领导权。  相似文献   
120.
民主党派对共产党的权力运行进行监督既是民主党派的重要职能,也是多党合作的重要形式。针对民主党派对权力运行监督中存在的主要问题,我们要提高民主党派的政党意识,健全对权力运行的监督机制,增加民主党派担任实职的机会。只有充分发挥民主党派对权力运行的监督作用,才能让权力在阳光下运行,才能正确用好权力这把"双刃剑"。  相似文献   
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