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271.
Jeff Malpas 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2):156-177
Suspicion regarding the notion of truth is a characteristic feature of much contemporary thought. Often this suspicion is based in a view that takes truth to be a notion associated with a discredited view of knowledge or with an oppressive and exclusionary politics. That the very possibility of knowledge, and so of our access to the truth, can be put in question and that truth itself always operates within a political dimension are not, of course, claims that can be denied. Nor can it be denied that knowledge, truth and power are closely tied together. But these considerations should prompt us to a reappraisal of the notion of truth that sees it as more, not less, significant. This paper is an attempt to begin such a reappraisal and to attend, not merely to the truth. Speaking the truth is not something the successful achievement of which can, in every case, be guaranteed in advance; yet neither is it something that we can abandon or ignore. 相似文献
272.
Sorpong Peou 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):119-138
The post-Cold War debate among positivist and post-positivist theorists of international security - particularly realists, liberals and constructivists - has not diminished. Both realism and constructivism have now been established as the key intellectual competitors in Southeast Asian security studies. Following a brief intellectual history of Southeast Asian security studies, this paper reviews the major works of two political scientists who are leading authorities: Michael Leifer, a professor at the London School of Economics and Political Science and a realist; and Amitav Acharya, a professor at York University and a constructivist. This review essay makes the following argument: constructivism is more insightful than balance-of-power realism, but it is more likely to conform to a sophisticated balance-of-threat theory - a form of ‘minimalist’ or ‘soft’ realism - which can help explain the daunting tasks of security-community building. 相似文献
273.
胡世洪 《西安政治学院学报》2013,(3):101-103
中国大国责任的担当是全方位多领域的,从武装冲突法看主要有:依法使用武力,捍卫本国安全和领土完整;他国间(内)利益争端引发武装冲突时,不介入不干涉;联合国采取或授权军事行动时,积极支持或参加;局部战争严重威胁地区安全时,援助正义方;其他情势严重危害人类生存时,采取多种手段介入。 相似文献
274.
Lawrence W. Sherman 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2007,3(4):299-321
The promise of experimental criminology is finding ways to reduce harm from crime and injustice. The problem of experimental criminology is that so few experiments produce evidence of big effects from the interventions they test.
One solution to this problem may be concentrating scarce resources for experiments on the “power few:” the small percentage
of places, victims, offenders, police officers or other units in any distribution of crime or injustice which produces the
greatest amount of harm. By increasing the homogeneity and base rates of the samples enrolled in each experiment, the power
few hypothesis predicts increased statistical power to detect program effects. With greater investment of resources, and possibly
less variant responses to greater dosages of intervention—especially interventions of support, as distinct from punishment—we
may also increase our chances of finding politically acceptable interventions that will work.
相似文献
Lawrence W. ShermanEmail: |
275.
吕鹏 《江苏行政学院学报》2008,(4):64-67
驻华外资企业中方高级管理技术人员在公共政治生活中参与程度不高,是因为他们在利益上与资产阶级更加接近,并且很少参与企业外部的政治活动。但是,他们进一步团结的基础和趋势是强势的,其代表资方影响政府决策能力的机会和能力也呈上升趋势。因此,作为潜在的政治主体,如何规范他们的利益表达,引导他们的政治意识,就成了一项紧迫的课题。 相似文献
276.
政治文明体现了人的自由的实现和社会经济的发展,表现为人可以自主地对自己的信仰和行为作出自由选择。市场经济条件下的政治文明集中反映在对国家权力的监督制约,以遏制国家的集权专制对市场经济正常运行的干预和对日益要求自主的私人领域的干涉。近现代世界政治文明的主要特征是民主与法治,其基本制度功能就是对国家权力的监督制约。民主与法治不仅实现了对国家集权与专制的有效遏制,而且为国家能力的提升提供了坚实的合法性基础。 相似文献
277.
死刑核准权归位是解决死刑核准权异化,根除下放所造成的立法矛盾和实务问题的惟一选择。死刑复核程序的诉讼化改造要求贯彻书面审和开庭审相结合,事实审与法律审相结合,书面审则实行阅卷与提审被告人相结合;立法应当明确赋予死刑复核程序中被告人的律师辩护权和当面陈述权;死刑复核程序仍然应当明确时限规定;检察机关有权对死刑复核程序实行法律监督,监督的方式是抗诉和检察建议;我国死刑复核程序不宜实行三审终审制改造,也不宜只实行法律审。 相似文献
278.
陈武明 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2003,11(3):5-10
随着社会主义市场经济的深入发展、人们政治需求的不断觉醒和社会深层次矛盾的凸显,使加速政治体制改革变得日益紧迫和重要。发展社会主义民主政治的核心内容,是要实现权力体制民主化。 相似文献
279.
280.
汪灏 《江南社会学院学报》2003,5(2):52-56
对于一个城市的发展来说 ,城市竞争力是决定因素。评价城市竞争力可从创造积累财富、吸引资金和吸引人才三个方面进行。构成城市竞争力的要素主要有经济发展现状、政治社会环境、科学文化教育水平、城市自然资源环境和城市基础设施等五个方面。中国最具有代表性的四种城市竞争力发展模式分别是 :龙头型城市、新兴卫星城、传统区域中心城市、沿海开放城市 ,在中国经济发展中最值得我们注意 相似文献