俄罗斯法官独立制度的构成与运行

苏联末期开始的司法改革为今天俄罗斯法官独立制度的形成奠定了基础。俄罗斯法官独立制度主要是依托《俄联邦宪法》、《俄联邦法官地位法》等形成的,具体包括法官不得兼职、法官行使职权不受干涉、法官的物质保障等制度。随着俄罗斯法治环境的改善,法官独立制度也从最初的成效低微发展到可以逐渐发挥其应有功能。     

浅议应急警务中警察权的扩张

应急警务是公安机关处置各类突发性公共危机事件的特别警务活动,在应急警务中警察权的行使,与正常社会秩序下警察权的行使有所不同。由于突发性危机事件具有突发性、无序性、严重破坏性的特点,为使公安机关迅速有效地平息事端,防止其蔓延,必须赋予公安机关较之常态下更多更具强制力的警察权,使其在一定的原则下可以有条不紊地运用应急权力,采取应急措施,及时有效地应对突发危机事件,发挥更为积极的作用。     

Power,REDD+ and reforming forest governance in Indonesia

Abstract

This paper analyses the various power relations that shape forest policy and governance reform in Indonesia. It applies Foucault’s theories on power to several key initiatives introduced as part of REDD+ (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation). By analysing both the operation and the effects of power relations the paper accounts for how competing actors influence major policy change, and the impact different policies have on governing multiple forest users. Sovereign and disciplinary power underpins government attempts to implement new regulatory, planning and enforcement functions across the forest estate. Policy instruments such as the concession moratorium create securitised territorial zones that enable sustainable forest practices to operate. By contrast, forest management units operate through inclusive strategies that discipline forest users into responsible managers, whilst enforcement excludes those who contravene the law. Productive power and resistance explain efforts by government and non-government actors to progress or limit REDD+. Productive power operates through the multiple activities that generate new knowledge on incentivising carbon, and by engaging new subjects in carbon projects. Community resistance draws on discourses and localised subjectivities focussed on forest dependency and rights, whereas industry networks have been adept at positioning REDD+ as a threat to national development.     

中国行政体制改革的进展及其重点

当前中国的行政体制改革,在推进行政审批制度改革、商事制度改革、政务公开、政府重大决策科学化民主化和法治化、政府工作的第三方评估和社会评价、公正有效地提供公共产品和公共服务、地方政府的权力和责任清单制度改革、公车制度改革、公务员职务与职级并行制度改革、贯彻中央八项规定深入反腐倡廉等十个方面,取得了显著进展。推及未来“,十三五”期间的中国行政体制改革将重点围绕推动简政放权、放管结合、优化服务改革向纵深发展,大力推行“互联网+政务服务”、推进政府信息化建设,推进大部制改革、优化行政层级和行政区划设置,推进事业单位制度改革,加快和加大力度建设“四个政府”,推进政府廉洁履职和反腐败斗争,坚决处理为官不为、克服庸政懒政怠政,推进国家治理体系现代化,提升国家治理能力,加快各项行政制度的更加成熟定型等十个任务展开。     

程序视角下的劳动教养制度研究

目前的劳动教养制度已不能适应当今社会的发展,而且不符合分权制衡的法理。可能导致权力滥用。从建设和谐社会的目标出发,有必要从程序上完善劳动教养制度：劳动教养的决定权必须由人民法院行使;公安机关仅负责调查、取证、向法院提出对当事人劳动教养的请求;同时应该加强检察机关对公安机关的监督。最终做到劳动教养制度的公开、公正。     

侦查权的性质及配置模式研究

关于侦查权的性质定位,在我国学界存在行政权说、司法权说、行政权和司法权双重性质说。侦查权作为警察权的一部分,应该是一种行政权。侦查权作为一种重要的国家行政权,在行使过程中存在着两种不同的利益需要,即确保侦查效率与保障人权。科学、合理的侦查权配置,能够确保国家权力得以实现、公民权利得以保障。     

论法治视野下刑罚权适用的理性限制

刑罚权作为一种公权力带有扩张性,它的恣意适用会引起不良的社会后果。无论是从社会正义和人权保障,还是司法成本的高消耗性上法治社会都要求对其进行理性的限制.在理性限制的过程中必须坚守宪法精神的指导、罪刑法定原则和刑法谦抑性原则,接受宽严相济刑事政策的制肘。     

Elite interests and political participation in Botswana, 1966–2014

ABSTRACT

Botswana’s tiny economy is overwhelmingly government-driven and political participation, particularly on the side of the ruling party, is critical for one’s economic survival and prosperity. This has led to enduring intrigue and conflict among the country’s political power elite. Opposition party activists traditionally have embraced leftist policies and claimed to be representing the country’s poor and downtrodden while castigating the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (in power since 1966) of being pro-rich and politically connected business. Ironically, some members of the opposition elite also engage in business ventures with their ruling party counterparts. The scramble for economic opportunities has fuelled debilitating factionalism within both the ruling and opposition parties over the years. In some instances tribalism was mobilised in intra- and inter-party elections for positions of influence even though voters are more interested in service delivery than traditional ethnic issues. Our paper considers the question: ‘Whose interests do Botswana’s politicians represent?’     

功能分化社会的“去分化”?——权力生产性与权力媒介性的理论冲突及其消解

在功能分化的现代社会中,以卢曼为代表的权力媒介观和以福柯为典型的权力生产观形成了针锋相对的价值立场。在系统理论看来,权力作为政治系统“象征性的普遍化沟通媒介”,维系着功能分化的社会结构,所以权力的媒介性具有自我限制的意义。但是,福柯以权力驱逐法律运作、生产知识话语和控制性实践为例,揭示了权力的生产性对社会的全面宰制和“去分化”的倾向。为了消解权力生产性所带来的“去分化”的危险,应当将权力领域限缩于政治系统,以“去主体化”的立场和“沟通”的衔接性理解权力的运作逻辑,并通过作为结构耦合的宪法与基本权利,既实现由权力到法的符码转译,同时又确保社会子系统内部的强制性力量关系具有正当性与合法性。     

The Politics of Race and the Future of British Political History

This article addresses the field of British political history's blind spot when it comes to race. Where modern British political historians are comfortable approaching politics in ‘high’ and ‘popular’ forms as well as in terms of ideas, institutions and policy, they often struggle even to see a politics of race in operation. Using examples drawn from research on the post-1945 history of the white supremacist movement in Britain, this article maintains that the means to render race visible in the political history of modern Britain lies in the incorporation of previously overlooked perspectives. In search of these perspectives, it looks to black British history and critical studies of race. In particular, it highlights analyses and critiques of British racism by black political activists, from those who organised in response to the 1959 murder of Kelso Cochrane, to the Black Power groups of the 1970s.