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41.
Charles Asante 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(3):470-486
AbstractThis paper examines Ghana’s engagement in the United Nations (UN) mission during the Congo political crisis in the 1960s. The paper examines competing rationales behind Ghana’s decision to contribute towards the UN operation in the Congo. Ghana’s participation, to date, has been primarily understood through the lens of anti-colonial sentiment, African solidarity and regional influence. This article argues that in addition to these explanations, more attention must be paid to the value attached to pan-Africanism and the post-independence political union agenda of President Kwame Nkrumah. The article demonstrates how for Nkrumah, an operation under the aegis of the UN would prevent the powers of the Cold War (the United States and the Soviet Union) from interfering with the right of independent self-determination within Congo affairs. The UN mission, I contend, was a window of opportunity for Nkrumah’s larger pan-African ambition. Although Nkrumah’s mission failed, the article argues for the normative value of Nkrumah’s pan-African vision of promoting a regional structure to unify the African states as an important reason for Ghana’s participation in the Congo operation. 相似文献
42.
Nicholas Allen 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):36-44
Recent ‘takeover’ Prime Ministers have tended to conduct relatively brutal Cabinet reshuffles immediately after taking office. Liz Truss dismissed and moved large numbers of ministers after becoming Prime Minister in September 2022, and Rishi Sunak did the same after succeeding Truss in October 2022. This article locates the tendency towards brutalism in the broader context of British Cabinet reshuffles. It compares the scale of takeover reshuffles with other types of reshuffles and demonstrates how incoming takeover Prime Ministers in the twenty-first century have reconstructed their Cabinets more extensively than their predecessors. The article argues that the use of all-member ballots in party leadership elections has been a key driver of brutalism, and it further identifies several reasons why future Prime Ministers might want to resist the tendency. 相似文献
43.
We use our “PM and Pendulum” Model to forecast the outcome of the 2010 General election. The vote function of the model, aside from a cyclical dynamic, relies on approval of the prime minister as the sole predictor. We find that PM Approval predicts the vote (and vote intention between elections) more accurately than does Government Approval. Turning to the forecasting of seats, we examine the accuracy of the autoregressive model of the vote-seat translation against the uniform-swing model, which is widely used by pollsters and the media. Testing the alternatives on election data since 1910, our autoregressive vote-seat translation model proves superior to the uniform-swing model. 相似文献
44.
Jill Rutter 《The Political quarterly》2021,92(1):90-94
This article looks at Prime Ministers’ attempts to reform their operation in Number Ten and their relationship with the Cabinet Office in response to frustrations they encounter trying to drive their policy agenda from the centre. Prime Ministers have developed new institutions to bolster their meagre resources in Number Ten. There is particular focus on the experience of John Major in trying to push his Citizen's Charter. It notes how resistant departments were to many of the changes. Finally the article discusses recent changes in Boris Johnson's Number Ten that marked the brief tenure of Dominic Cummings and his clear centralising mission. 相似文献
45.
Louise Thompson 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(2):457-460
Reshuffles are a relatively common occurrence in British politics. We expect to see them whenever a new Prime Minister enters Downing Street, after elections and following ministerial resignations. Recent research from the Institute for Government warns that the regular churn of ministers has negative consequences for policy making and for parliamentary accountability. This article summarises their latest research and what this tells us about the potential implications of Boris Johnson’s February 2020 reshuffle on government and Parliament. 相似文献
46.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(6):18
正AFRICA,the last continent on Earth that suffers pervasive poverty although widely regarded as a land of vibrant potential,has been busy lately greeting high-ranking officials from Western developed nations and Asian economic powerhouses.It’s noteworthy that the recent four- 相似文献
47.
WU JIANMIN 《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(12):42-44
正THE 10th Beijing-Tokyo Forum convened in late September carries considerable significance,in light of the recent deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations to a new low.The seemingly intractable problems of territorial disputes and mutual political distrust that have further alienated the two nations bring to mind the phrase Chinese 相似文献
48.
《今日中国(英文版)》2014,(8)
正The Sixth BRICS Summit,themed"BRICS:Inclusive Growth,Sustainable Solutions,"was held in Brazil’s northeastern city Fortaleza.Chinese President Xi Jinping,Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff,Russian President Vladimir Putin,Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and South African President Jacob Zuma attended the summit.The emerging-market bloc of BRICS announced to establish a development bank and a contingent reserve 相似文献
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50.
《中国国际问题研究》2014,(1):F0002-F0002
正On October 11,2013,China Institute of International Studies(CIIS),in cooperation with the Atlantic Council,released a report entitled"China-US Cooperation:Key to the Global Future"in Beijing.With generous support from the China-United States Exchange Foundation,the report was written by a China-US Working Group convened by the Atlantic Council in Washington and China Institute of International Studies in Beijing.Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Zheng Zeguang attended the event and made a keynote speech on Sino-US relations. 相似文献