论“政权党”——以当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年政党政治为例

本文详细考察了当代俄罗斯和中华民国初年的政党政治和政治制度,认为二者都是以政权党为显著特征的政党政治,表现出总统重视政党的作用,善于利用政权党来巩固政治地位但又超越政权党,具有不受任何党派约束的巨大权威;政权党虽然能得到总统的支持,但是无法成为执政党,因而表现出既支持政府又批评政府,既与政府合作又与政府斗争的特征。由此得出结论,政权党是一种在政党与政权关系问题上相对于执政党、在野党之外的又一政党类型,有其特定的历史文化基础。     

Estonian views of collective action and democracy

After a debate lasting several years, Estonia enacted a law of non-territorial cultural autonomy for national minorities in 1993, echoing experiences from the country’s previous period of independence. In international discussion, the law was initially cited as a promising way of dealing with minority issues in Central and Eastern Europe. With time, however, its applicability in contemporary Estonia has been questioned; in practice, the law has failed to be implemented. This paper inspects possible reasons for its disuse, and argues that the law could still play a role in Estonia’s minority policies, especially with regard to education. The paper is based on an analysis of legislation, parliamentary records and media.     

Public Discourse of (De)legitimation: The Case of South Estonian Language

This paper focuses on two different argumentative strategies for dealing with a regional variety of Estonian, one of which may discourage the use of South Estonian in favor of Estonian, while another legitimates the lesser-used regional variety. These argumentative strategies are studied by critical discourse analysis (CDA) of six articles in Estonian language newspapers and magazines published in 2004–2005. The use of South Estonian is discouraged by presenting real or imagined threats that it will undermine Estonian. This discourse also parallels the Estonian-Russian majority-minority discourse of recent years by employing zero-sum arguments of the Estonian language losing to Russian as a consequence of the recognition of South Estonian. Language ideologies, which also construct some varieties worthier than others, re-enforce an essentialist representation of separate languages. This representation will work toward suppressing linguistic variation.     

浅析警务谈判性口语的使用技巧

警务谈判性口语作为一种特殊的口语,具有不同于一般口语的使用程序。警务谈判性口语的使用原则有:准确性、针对性、灵活性、规范性和适应性原则;常用的警务谈判性口语的使用技巧有:攻心、欲擒故纵、以柔克刚、先声夺人等几种。研究警务谈判性口语的使用程序、使用原则和使用技巧,具有一定的实践意义,可以更好地服务于警务谈判工作。     

浅谈学习运用群众语言做好群众工作

学习运用群众语言是做好群众工作的基本功,是党员干部的基本素质。当前,基层党员干部不同程度地存在学习运用群众语言能力不足的问题。对此,党员干部要增强学习运用群众语言的紧迫感,自觉拜群众为师,注重学习积累,强化实践应用,提升运用群众语言做好群众工作的能力和水平。     

Mapping national identity narratives in Ukraine

Since 1991, the absence of the concept of a Ukrainian nation and national identity has led to a controversial, often ambivalent process of identity formation. The aim of this paper is to analyze and map the widely shared concepts about national identity that exist in Ukrainian society after 20 years of independence. Analysis of 43 interviews with Ukrainian political and intellectual elites reveals five different shared narratives: (1) dual identity; (2) being pro-Soviet; (3) a fight for Ukrainian identity; (4) a recognition of Ukrainian identity; and (5) a multicultural-civic concept. Each narrative is characterized by three main features: a coherent structure with strong internal logic and justification of its legitimacy; connection to a specific conception of power and morality; and an opposition to other narratives. All these features lead to the perception of society as a zero-sum game where one narrative must prevail over all others. At the same time, all these features ensure that there can be neither an overwhelming victory of one narrative over others nor a satisfying compromise between them. The results shed light on the complex process of narrative construction of identity and power in newly independent states.     

Making the Korean nation in the Russian Far East, 1863–1926

Exploring the history of Koreans in the Russian Far East from the perspective of New Imperial History, the article demonstrates that political activism of Koreans and policies of the Russian (Soviet), Korean, and Japanese governments resulted in consolidation of two visions of their future. The first vision implied unity between the Koreans living in the Russian Far East with those who stayed in Korea, moved to Japan, or emigrated elsewhere and corresponded to the agenda of building a Korean nation. The second vision implied that the bilingual or Russified Koreans aspired to stay in the Russian Far East permanently, ensuring their own livelihood in the new regional frontier. The two currents interlaced in the project of Korean autonomy in a post-imperial state, first the Far Eastern Republic and later the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. The project involved inclusion of Koreans into the global spread of revolution through the Communist International and left open the issue of the duration of Korean presence in the Russian Far East. Its ultimate failure in 1926 left the Koreans partly excluded from the Soviet system without the institutional benefits of national autonomy.     

西伯利亚名考

对西伯利亚名称的研究由来已久,人们往往根据西伯利亚的地理位置、历史,结合历史文献及当地民族的归属进行考证其名称的来源与意义。这样的讨论很有意义,然而,仅仅考虑上述方面还不足以科学地对西伯利亚的名称意义进行解释。本研究认为,还应该从历史语言的角度,通过讨论同源词来进行佐证才能够科学和合理地解释西伯利亚名称的意义。从语言的同源词比较中,我们可以看出,西伯利亚名称的意义可以局限在两种比较可以令人信服的解释：一为源于阿尔泰语系的“泥泞、潮湿”之地,另为“鲜卑”。而“泥泞”才是合理的释义。     

西伯利亚大铁路对俄国东部地区经济社会的影响

西伯利亚大铁路的修建使俄国东部地区的社会生活发生了显著变化。它促进了东部地区的移民,引发了两次移民运动的高潮;随着铁路的修建,东部地区的居民点数量大幅增加;西伯利亚大铁路管理局作出了在东部地区建立社会基础设施的尝试。