Post-Pussy Riot: art and protest in Russia today

This article shows that resistance and a critical discourse continue in the arts, especially in visual art, in Russia under the present political conditions when free speech has been seriously circumscribed. When in May 2012 Vladimir Putin was reinstalled as president with a new authoritarian conservative agenda, it was expected that the situation for culture would change. This article addresses the question of whether a critical discourse survived in the arts under the new conditions. It presents the new political context for the arts, and provides examples of various artistic strategies of resistance/protest in Russian contemporary art by applying Jacques Ranciere’s concept of dissensus. The focus is on visual art, although references are also made to the world of theater. The first section presents the new official role given to culture and the new state cultural policy as components of a reactionary backlash against the reform policies under Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin, and describes conflicts around art and art productions that followed from the new state policy. A second section gives examples of dissensus in art today by presenting artworks by Piotr Pavlenskii, Arsenii Zhilyaev, Stas Shuripa, and Anna Titova.     

A Glimpse of Medieval Curonian Vernacular Architecture in Egils Saga SkallagrÍMssonar

Interviews were conducted with native Russian and Finnish speakers living in Estonia to examine their perspectives on language policy and usage. The aim was to paint a picture of how they perceived Estonian language policy, providing an insight into the cognitive frameworks within which they work, and into the social and historical factors shaping their discursive environments. For Finnish informants, official monolingualism was not normal, while de facto monolingualism seemed to be. For Russian speakers, the opposite seemed true: those interviewed accepted Estonian's official status but wanted to see more use of Russian ‘on the ground’. Their perspectives reflect their worldviews, which have been shaped by their personal, family, and community realities and experiences.     

赴俄罗斯考察报告

20 0 2年 6月 17— 30日 ,中共中央政治局委员、中国社会科学院院长李铁映率领的中国社会科学院代表团访问了俄罗斯。作者作为全国地方社会科学院的惟一代表随团出访。由于俄方各界高度重视 ,考察访问非常顺利 ,实现了广交朋友、扩大交流、增进友谊、加强合作的目的。主要考察收获概括起来是十个非常深刻的印象 ,六点关于发展中俄睦邻友好和战略协作伙伴关系的启示与建议     

嗜水气单胞菌gyrA氟喹诺酮抗性决定区的克隆与分析

研究了从病鱼体内分离的嗜水气单胞菌对氟喹诺酮类药物耐药性的分子机理。以 4株对诺氟沙星等氟喹诺酮类药物耐药菌株及 2株敏感菌株为模板 ,参照杀鲑气单胞菌gyrA基因序列 ,设计了 1对引物 ,进行 gyrA基因氟喹诺酮抗性决定区PCR扩增 ,将扩增产物克隆入pMD1 8 T载体 ,转化入大肠埃希氏菌DH5α中 ,小提质粒 ,酶切鉴定 ,测序并分析比较耐药菌和敏感菌的氨基酸残基序列 ,发现耐药菌有 5个氨基酸突变位点 ,分别是 83位点的Ser→Ile,92位点的Leu→Met,1 74位点的Ile→Phe,2 0 2位点的Asn→Asp ,2 0 3位点的Leu→Arg ,耐药菌突变后的氨基酸残基均比敏感菌正常的相对应氨基酸残基分子量大。 83位点的突变与大肠埃希氏菌的耐药性突变一致 ,1 2 2位点具有保守的Try。     

加快发展共筑诚信--我国西部民族地区完善社会主义市场经济体制的新思考

我国西部民族地区正面临一个发展的新机遇期。抓住机遇就要贯彻落实好党的十六大精神 ,实践“三个代表” ,以开放促改革促发展 ,顺应经济全球化和现代市场经济发展的要求 ,完善社会主义市场经济体制 ,建立以诚信为核心的社会信用体系。在走向世界市场的普遍交往中充分利用国际国内两个市场 ,加快自身发展 ;在弘扬优良民族文化和民族精神中 ,提高经济诚信度、市场化程度 ,创建诚信的社会经济秩序 ,推进“两个文明建设” ,努力实现全面建设小康社会的目标 ,共筑诚信长城 ,共创美好未来 !     

俄远东港口的现状与发展前景

苏联解体后,远东地区港口在全俄的地位愈显重要。近年港口吞吐量虽有回升,但换装能力闲置40%多。究其原因,一是面向出口的产品生产量下降;二是铁路运价大幅上涨;三是由于金融危机,东南亚国家减少了俄工业品的进口;四是远东港口服务质量差;五是国家供给极北地区的物资减少,使北部港口部分闲置。港口状况的改善与国家经济发展息息相关,同时吸引过境运输货流也是重要方面。俄各级政府和远东港口企业正在为此而努力。     

中国城市化过程中的农村征地问题

在中国城市化快速发展的过程中,大量城郊土地被征用。在当前城市就业压力大、社会保障制度还不健全的情况下,农民失去土地就意味着失去了基本的生存和养老保障。如果不对他们进行合理补偿和妥善安置,使农民既失地又失业,就会引发严重的失地农民问题,从而影响城乡社会的稳定和经济发展。解决农村征地问题的关键是要改革现行的农村征地制度。     

初访犹太自治州

2003年2月11-15日,黑龙江省社会科学院曲伟院长应邀率团访问了俄罗斯犹太自治州。总的印象是:犹太自治州和比罗比詹市领导非常重视与中国开展经贸合作。阿穆尔捷特海关效率低,比罗比詹市商品丰富,价格偏高,犹太宗教公会活动卓有成效,犹太自治州科学中心与中国合作的热情高,犹太人非常重视教育……考察访问非常顺利,实现了增进友谊、加强合作的目的。     

俄罗斯“政权党”能否成为执政党——基于制度环境和政情发展的分析

俄罗斯的第一个“政权党”是不完全的“政权党”。随着政情的变化和制度环境的改善,俄罗斯新的“政权党”———“统一俄罗斯”党发展成为国内决定性政治力量。“统一俄罗斯”党由“政权党”上升为执政党,必然涉及宪政制度的变更,但归根结底取决于俄罗斯的政情。从目前情况看,构建以政党为中心的新的政治体制,从而使“政权党”成为执政党的条件并没有成熟。但到了后普京时代,俄罗斯政治舞台上出现执政党的可能性是存在的。     

How to Win Elections and Influence People

Abstract

In recent years electoral politics worldwide have become more firmly based on professional advice and labor. In developing democracies, the influx of advice and consultants from the West initially resulted in an “Americanization” of electoral techniques. As electoral systems have developed, the political consulting market in each country has evolved down a route more suited to the specifics of its electoral conditions. The present paper examines the development of political consulting in post-communist Russia. It places the electoral market in comparative context, looking at the scope, structure and activities of political consulting firms, and examining some of the controversies arising from the professionalization of politics in the country.