论民族自治地方政府的电子政务建设

运用现代信息技术手段,加快政府电子政务建设步伐,是提高政府创新能力的重要举措。由于经济社会发展滞后及传统行政文化的影响,我国民族自治地方电子政务建设面临更大的难度。通过对民族自治地方政府电子政务建设现状的调查及制约因素的分析,阐明民族自治地方的电子政务建设目前大多仍处于起始阶段,提出要实现后发优势必须坚持为经济社会发展服务的方向和一体化的方针,加快统一门户网站的建设步伐,加大人才支撑环境和教育培训网络体系的建设力度,尽力提高网络体系的覆盖率,突出民族自治地方特色,抓紧建设一批重点信息资源库。     

贵州民族地区县域经济产业定位理论系统研究——以黔南州平塘县产业定位为个案

县域经济是介于城市和农村之间一种独特的区域经济,在统筹城乡发展中起着关键作用。基于贵州民族地区县域经济由喀斯特式贫穷和山区资源环境等基本元素形成的经济特征,其产业定位理论客观存在一般性与特殊性结合的框架体系。本文试图利用产业经济学、发展经济学的一般理论,结合贵州民族地区县域特殊的经济特征,对欠发达地区民族县域经济产业定位理论进行探讨。     

中俄高等教育合作

中俄教育合作极具战略意义,是中俄人文领域合作行动计划的优先方向。2019年,中俄各类教育方案框架内的学生交流人数达10万人,新冠肺炎疫情暴发后,两国相互间留学的人数变化不大。截至2021年12月,获得教育部批准或者省级教育主管机构批准的中俄合作办学机构有20个,本科层次合作项目70个,专科层次合作项目21个,硕士层次合作项目4个,理工科项目数多于人文社科类,办学层次仍以本科学历教育和专科教育为主。中俄高等教育交流与合作取得了丰富成果,但是还存在着中俄高等教育国际化法规不完善,留学生在各自对外交流总体量中所占比例尚小,缺乏基于学科对接、优势互补的实质性合作等不足。目前,中国迫切需要进一步建立和完善高等教育国际合作法律体系,优化制度、政策环境;高校要树立国际化观念,增强国际化能力;通过与俄罗斯高校的合作促进我国高等教育质量提升;为“一带一路”域内国家培养优质劳动力资源。     

Governance Arrangements for Transboundary Issues: Lessons from the Food Waste Programs of Italian Regions

Focusing on transboundary issues contributes to highlighting how new governance modes can emerge from increasing interdependence and complexity in public policies. This article analyzes food waste as a transboundary issue that cuts across different policy subsystems (PSs), intersects multiple levels of government, and calls into question consolidated policy making for new modes of governance. The analytical framework provides a multidimensional approach and a new typology of governance arrangements to be used in empirical research. Evidence from an Italian case study and an empirical investigation of 20 regional food waste programs shows that regions can adopt different driving ideas and can activate a variety of governance arrangements and differentiated, as well as viable, modes of integration between consolidated PSs. The article argues that different tool mixes combined with different levels of governance complexity may lead to a variety of governance arrangements and a differentiated likelihood of policy integration.     

Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians and why Novorossiya failed

This article discusses two inter-related issues. Firstly, the factors lying behind Russia's fervent belief that its Novorossiya (New Russia) project, aimed to bring back to Russia eight oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Zaporizhhya, Odesa, Mykolayiv, and Kherson in eastern and southern Ukraine and launched during the 2014 “Russian Spring,” would be successful. Russian identity misunderstood, and continues to misunderstand, Ukraine and Ukrainians through stereotypes and myths of Ukraine as an “artificial state” and Ukraine's Russian speakers as “fraternal brothers” and Russians and Ukrainians as “one people” (odin narod). Secondly, why Ukrainian national identity was different than these Russian stereotypes and myths and how this led to the failure of the Novorossiya project. Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians came face to face with the reality of Russian-speaking Ukrainian patriotism and their low support for the Russkij Mir (Russian World). The article compares Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians with how Ukrainians see themselves to explain the roots of the 2014 crisis, “Russian Spring,” and failure of Russian President Vladimir Putin's Novorossiya project.     

西部地区的经济增长与结构调整问题

1978年后,西部在我国经济高增长进程中相对落后,属于低增长梯度地区,相对于东、中部仍处于工业化的较低发展阶段.随着区域差距的动态扩大,在我国21世纪的经济增长与发展进程中,西部增长滞后已成为国民经济中的一个区域性制约因素,在很大程度上抑制了我国人均GDP的持续增长.因此,实施区域均衡发展战略,加快增长率梯度推进,激活西部的增长潜力,使之成为支持我国经济持续增长的后发区域,这已成为西部大开发的逻辑起点.     

西部大开发与西部民族地区法制建设问题论析

西部大开发作为我国面向２１世纪作出的重大决策,其顺利实施的基本保障在于法制建设。本文分析了西部民族地区的法制建设状况,论述了西部大开发对西部民族地区法制建设的影响与要求,讨论了新形势下民族地区法制建设的主要思路。作者认为,西部民族地区的法制建设应以党的基本路线为指导,坚持国家法制统一与民族区域自治相结合的基本原则;依法行政、秉公执法和完善法制监督则是当前和今后西部民族地区法制建设的关键所在。     

Pride and shame in collective memory of Russian and American youths

This article examines collective attitudes of American and Russian students toward national historical events that elicit pride or shame. The authors use the results of a quantitative questionnaire and analysis of in-depth interviews among students of leading American and Russian universities to identify the temporal localization, the content structure, and the prevalence of either hard or soft power in students’ attitudes of pride or shame. The authors argue that perceptions of the past have been a core component of national identity and may have an impact on citizens’ political behavior in the present. The authors also stress that major differences in young people’s understanding of the past may influence future US–Russia relations.     

Post-Pussy Riot: art and protest in Russia today

This article shows that resistance and a critical discourse continue in the arts, especially in visual art, in Russia under the present political conditions when free speech has been seriously circumscribed. When in May 2012 Vladimir Putin was reinstalled as president with a new authoritarian conservative agenda, it was expected that the situation for culture would change. This article addresses the question of whether a critical discourse survived in the arts under the new conditions. It presents the new political context for the arts, and provides examples of various artistic strategies of resistance/protest in Russian contemporary art by applying Jacques Ranciere’s concept of dissensus. The focus is on visual art, although references are also made to the world of theater. The first section presents the new official role given to culture and the new state cultural policy as components of a reactionary backlash against the reform policies under Mikhail Gorbachev and Boris Yeltsin, and describes conflicts around art and art productions that followed from the new state policy. A second section gives examples of dissensus in art today by presenting artworks by Piotr Pavlenskii, Arsenii Zhilyaev, Stas Shuripa, and Anna Titova.     

A Glimpse of Medieval Curonian Vernacular Architecture in Egils Saga SkallagrÍMssonar

Interviews were conducted with native Russian and Finnish speakers living in Estonia to examine their perspectives on language policy and usage. The aim was to paint a picture of how they perceived Estonian language policy, providing an insight into the cognitive frameworks within which they work, and into the social and historical factors shaping their discursive environments. For Finnish informants, official monolingualism was not normal, while de facto monolingualism seemed to be. For Russian speakers, the opposite seemed true: those interviewed accepted Estonian's official status but wanted to see more use of Russian ‘on the ground’. Their perspectives reflect their worldviews, which have been shaped by their personal, family, and community realities and experiences.