中国成功解决民族问题的道路

我国是一个多民族的国家,正确处理民族问题至关重要。坚持民族平等、民族团结和民族区域自治,贯彻落实以人为本、全面、协调、可持续的科学发展观,促进各民族共同团结奋斗、共同繁荣发展,是适合中国国情的、具有中国特色的解决民族问题的正确道路。     

双重文化构建的回族婚姻--云南通海县纳家营村回族婚姻考察

在异彩纷呈的中国少数民族婚姻状况中,回族的婚姻个性鲜明而独特。由阿拉伯世界移植到中华大地上的阿拉伯—伊斯兰文化与中国本土的汉文化结合起来的复合文化,激活并锻造出的回族婚姻形态,以中国汉文化婚姻为基本理念,以浓郁的伊斯兰宗教文化为框架整合,是人类学语境中的一种特殊"婚姻话语"系统。在当代农村回族婚姻的走势中,由于导入了新的文化因子,及现代强势文化的冲击和经济发展浸润性的影响,传统而相对单纯的回族婚姻过程裂变为相对复杂的婚姻形态。考察纳家营村回族婚姻变迁,可以客观地解读回族社会结构嬗变的主流缘由。     

抗日战争前后中国共产党在回族地区民族区域自治的政策与实践

抗日战争前后是中国共产党解决民族问题的纲领政策发生重大转变的历史时期，同时也是民族区域自治制度孕育和初步成形并付诸实践的历史阶段。民族区域自治作为我国解决民族问题的总制度，是马克思主义民族理论与中国国情相结合的产物。     

欠发达区域创新体系的功能缺陷与战略对策初探

区域创新体系的功能是欠发达区域经济发展最重要的能力因素。我国欠发达区域创新系统虽然已从计划主导型系统向市场主导型系统转变，具有区域特色的新型区域创新系统正在形成，但区域创新体系还存在诸多功能缺陷。     

产业转移承接对落后地区旅游产业发展的影响分析——以广西贺州为例

现阶段的广西在承接我国东部地区产业转移的过程中，首先可利用广西的特有区位和特有资源，将区域发展战略上升为国家战略，从而为广西经济发展和产业演进提供有效的融发器。其次，由于广西的旅游资源十分丰富，因此积极发展旅游业不仅有助于强化对东部发达地区产业转移的承接，而且东部发达地区的产业转移在相当程度上也会促进产西旅游业自身的发展，实践中这一点在广西贺州旅游产业的发展过程中就表现得十分明显。     

The Soviet study of the Barefooted Flight of the Kazakhs

The defeat, devastation and exile of the Kazakhs in the early eighteenth century, commonly known as the Barefooted Flight, was the nation's most distressing pre-Soviet calamity. Kazakh nation-building and official remembrance projects – commemorated in state ceremonies, public education and popular culture – portray an uninterrupted, centuries-old practice of tribute to local heroes who challenged the foreign aggressors. Twentieth-century Kazakh and Russian intellectuals in the Soviet and post-Soviet eras studied and enshrined these events based on published, secondary sources, rarely giving attention to the thin trail of documents preserved in state archives. The historiography of the Barefooted Flight exposed a trend in how politically convenient historical lessons shaped the interpretation of events. By the end of the Soviet Union, some archival material was introduced, it was but misquoted so as not to challenge the current interpretation.     

Russian Orthodox concordat? Church and state under Medvedev

The literature on church-state relations in post-Soviet Russia has been slowly but steadily expanding over the past two decades. The period since 2008, however, remains underdeveloped, as existing analysis has focused on specific issues rather than attempting an overview of the larger trends since the above-mentioned changes in the leadership of both institutions. Seeking to address this gap, this article explores the implications of the nearly coincidental changeovers in leadership in the Moscow Patriarchate and the secular state for church-state relations in Russia, both near and long-term. The first part of the article sets up the context for understanding the new church-state dynamic, by discussing in some detail the state of the relationship under Patriarch Aleksii II. The conclusions are that, under Aleksii tenure, the church could be considered a relatively weak institution, as it was unable for the most part to strengthen its position in Russia through legislative means. The second part focuses on the process whereby the new patriarch came to be elected in 2009, intending thereby to shed some light on Kirill I's leadership style and political agenda. The third part discusses concrete changes in the church-state relationship that have occurred on the federal level since 2008. The final section proposes some conclusions regarding the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church as a political actor in the contemporary Russian Federation, suggesting that despite the recent gains in the church's political fortunes, the ROC's position in society and particularly vis-à-vis the government remains vulnerable in key respects.     

The Liberal Left Opts for Terror

For a century, intellectual debate on political violence has been dominated by efforts to romanticize the extremist and to invest him with the aura of the altruistic “freedom fighter.” It is astonishing that in the post-9/11 era, the terrorist's image continues to remain habitually mystified and ennobled, while terror attacks are justified as self-defense. “Terrorist discourse” is indicative of the universality of the intellectual position of the Left with regard to terror, national discrepancies notwithstanding. The present article evaluates leftist liberals' attitudes towards terrorism in the 20th-century Russian Empire, Europe, the U.S., and especially Israel—one of the epicenters of terrorism today. The article proposes to examine psychological responses to terrorism in conjunction with a range of contemporary reactions to threats, acknowledged or displaced with an assortment of mental constructs and rationalizations.     

The Impact of Russian Terrorism in Kishinev on the Zionist Movement and the Jewish Intelligentsia

The explosion of terror which took place in the Bessarabian capital in April 1903 and which has since become known as the Kishinev Pogrom had a profound impact on all of Russian Jewry. But as far as the Zionist movement is concerned, and in opposition to what is generally believed about the Pogrom's central role in the history of Zionism, the Pogrom did not lead to any changes in the activities undertaken by the Zionists or in the ideology which they espoused. It was rather that the Pogrom triggered certain phenomena already present in Zionism during the preceding few years.     

系统观视阈下西北人才引进政策

西北地区人才引进的政策效果还有极大的提升空间,主要表现在人才引进的充分性、公平性、适当性、执行力、效率方面尚存在一些不足。在系统观的视阈下构建人才引进政策体系,形成人才引进的决策系统、评价系统、服务系统和信息系统,在不断优化人才引进的环境的基础上,为引进有助于地区经济、社会、文化改善的人才提供保障。