论民族主义与近代中国司法主权意识的觉悟

近世国人的司法主权意识随着民族主义意识的形成和发展,经历了懵懂、觉醒到觉悟的过程:懵懂,使得他们在西方列强的威慑下将司法主权拱手相让;觉醒,促使国人初步认识到司法改革的必要,并提出司法改革动议;觉悟,促使他们把收回司法主权与自觉筹划司法改革与创新相结合,试图将救亡图存的民族主义意识内化为法治意识,促进司法近代化进程。近世中国司法改革的动机主要是为了收回司法主权。新中国的建立,标志着国家主权(包括司法主权)的收复,这是近世民族主义运动结出的硕果,然而,司法近代化进程也就此中止,出现了动机与结果的背反,形成畸形的中国司法近代化轨迹。一个国家和民族真正拥有司法主权,必须有强大的国力为支撑;良好法律的有效实施,则是国家民族强大的重要保障。     

论以民族主义宣传调控民众不满情绪的成败条件——基于数学模型的分析

人类历史上,许多国家执政者有时会采用煽动民族主义情绪的方式转移民众视线以应对合法性危机。但此方法会同时增加民众的民族主义诉求,当执政者可能无法满足相关诉求时,民众即会产生新的不满。在煽动民族主义情绪时,执政者必然要把握尺度,不断通过评估-调整的调控方式将民众不满情绪稳定于最低水平。通过数学建模分析可发现,此调控方式有趋于失序、趋于均衡两种结果,函数弹性差值是调控成败的关键。函数弹性差值决定于社会信息化程度、社会祛魅程度和执政者公信力。     

Underdevelopment,Urban Squatting,and The State Bureaucracy: A Case Study of Tanzania

This article investigates a part of the “story of the story” of the 1924 revolution, the first popular anticolonial uprising in Sudan to be framed by a nationalist ideology. Considering that the process that turns a past event into history is neither linear nor predictable, I draw on Trouillot's “catalogue of silences” to compare two sets of sources that correspond to two moments in the making of 1924 as history: first, the judicial records produced by the Sudan government during 1924, and second the Ewart Report, written in 1925, to “seal” the revolution. A comparison of these two sources reveals radical discrepancies in the narrative, as well as the silences imposed on and well-concealed fine-tunings of the various voices of the revolution. Of these two sets of sources, it is the Ewart Report that provides the most influential interpretation of the 1924 revolution.     

Making the Korean nation in the Russian Far East, 1863–1926

Exploring the history of Koreans in the Russian Far East from the perspective of New Imperial History, the article demonstrates that political activism of Koreans and policies of the Russian (Soviet), Korean, and Japanese governments resulted in consolidation of two visions of their future. The first vision implied unity between the Koreans living in the Russian Far East with those who stayed in Korea, moved to Japan, or emigrated elsewhere and corresponded to the agenda of building a Korean nation. The second vision implied that the bilingual or Russified Koreans aspired to stay in the Russian Far East permanently, ensuring their own livelihood in the new regional frontier. The two currents interlaced in the project of Korean autonomy in a post-imperial state, first the Far Eastern Republic and later the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics. The project involved inclusion of Koreans into the global spread of revolution through the Communist International and left open the issue of the duration of Korean presence in the Russian Far East. Its ultimate failure in 1926 left the Koreans partly excluded from the Soviet system without the institutional benefits of national autonomy.     

21世纪的国际能源安全问题

世界经济全球化和全球性问题的兴起,导致能源安全观的重塑,追求供需安全的传统能源安全观正被一种新的综合能源安全观取代。综合能源安全观不仅涵盖了供应安全和需求安全,而且广泛地涉及环境、气候和人的安全。在全球化背景下,世界各国普遍面临一些重大的能源安全问题,包括能源储量集中于战略空白区、能源需求的集中、能源资源密集型国家去稳定化、不可抗力、能源运输阻塞点、不确定的投资环境、资源民族主义和气候变化。除了这些具有普遍性的能源安全议题外,中国能源安全还有其特殊性,化石能源峰值,即煤炭、石油和天然气消耗过快,不仅制约了化石能源体系的可持续发展,而且进口依赖度将不可逆转;从全球化时代的综合能源安全观来看,中国严重依赖煤炭,形成了一种不安全的能源消费结构;在当前能源消费结构下,中国在全球气候变化谈判中将面临更大的减排压力。因此,能源安全的根本之路在于加强新能源、可再生能源及其相关技术的投资与研发,不断扩大新能源和可再生能源在能源消费结构中的比例。归根结底,在国际气候变化谈判的框架下,重构能源消费体系对于解决上述所有安全问题都具有决定性意义。     

Contested Discourse,Contested Power: Nationalism and the Left in Paraguay

Nationalism has been a key, but generally overlooked, component of twentieth‐century Paraguayan politics and an important explanatory factor in the country’s political outcomes. Indeed, it has been central to the struggle for political power, most significantly to the continuing hegemony of the Colorado Party. This article traces the development of the Paraguayan Left, highlighting its structural and functional weaknesses, and analyses its relationship with nationalism, in particular with the dominant Colorado nationalist discourse. It argues that an important failure of the Left – and indeed other political parties and movements – has been its inability to produce a successful challenge to this hegemonic discourse.     

从社会认同的视角看“愤青”的批判取向

“愤青”指网络舆论中对外表现为网络民族主义，对内表现为网络批判现实主义的青年群体。从社会认同理论角度看，“愤青”所具有的对外网络民族主义、对内网络现实批判主义的倾向，是社会认同作用的结果和表现形式。     

Colonization with Chinese characteristics: politics of (in)security in Xinjiang and Tibet

ABSTRACT

China as a victim rather than a proponent of modern colonialism is an essential myth that animates Chinese nationalism. The Chinese statist project of occupying, minoritizing and securitizing different ethno-national peoples of Central Asia, such as Uyghurs and Tibetans, with their own claims to homelands, is a colonial project. Focusing on China’s securitized and militarized rule in Xinjiang and Tibet, the article will argue that the most appropriate lens through which this can be understood is neither nation-building nor internal colonialism but modern colonialism. It argues that the representation of Uyghurs and Tibetans as sources of insecurity not only legitimizes state violence as a securitizing practice but also serves contemporary Chinese colonial goals.     

“国粹”与“种姓”：章太炎与连雅堂“语文”思想之比较

在二十世纪初期文化民族主义的大背景下比较了章太炎与连雅堂的语文思想,指出了章太炎"以国粹激动种姓"的语文思想与连雅堂"发扬种姓"、"继绝存亡"的文学观的相同思想背景,并结合大陆与台湾语文运动的具体语境分析了章、连二人与大陆及台湾新语文运动的互动关系.