浅析当代俄罗斯民族主义

民族主义是俄罗斯在历史擅变中形成的独特思想文化.西化改革失败后,俄罗斯国力和国际地位日趋衰弱,以追求国家利益为核心的民族主义迅速兴起,它压倒包括自由主义在内的各种意识形态,成为当代俄罗斯最具影响力的政治思潮.受各种主、客观因素的影响,不同时期、不同政党、不同社会组织的民族主义思想千差万别,因此有必要对当代俄罗斯民族主义的类型进行科学地划分,使研究更趋于全面.     

再论东南亚的民族文化与民族主义

多民族共存具有多文化并存的内在含义,文化上的相互容忍与适应促进民族关系的和谐.在此情况下,民族主义主要表现为民族国家对外抗争强权.另一方面,文化上的相互歧视与排斥导致民族矛盾与冲突.在此情况下,民族主义的矛头转而对内,亦即一国之内各族间的相互排斥.每个民族的文化都有其特性,但民族国家内的各族文化也存在着共性.强调共性同时又承认各自的特性,易于培育出一致对外的聚合型民族主义;过分强调特性而忽略共性,则易于导致内哄内斗的离散型民族主义.在东南亚,民族文化的双重性与民族主义的不同表现形式具有内在的紧密关系.     

析哈贝马斯集体认同理论的局限性

哈贝马斯的集体认同理论,以后民族主义和宪法爱国主义为两大框架,以两德统一、欧洲联盟以及移民与全球化浪潮为三大背景。通过回顾历史、考察当下,哈贝马斯认为,现代欧洲政治共同体的建立应突破民族认同,以宪法爱国主义将取代民族主义。然而,在这片深深扎根于民族主义的土地上能否结出后民族主义的果实？超民族的欧洲共同体是否可欲,致力于构造欧洲认同的宪法爱国主义能否可行？本文认为无论是后民族主义还是宪法爱国主义?都在一定程度上存在着理论缺陷,在政治实践中也将不可避免地遭遇现实挑战。哈贝马斯将自己的理论建立在规范与现实之间的空场之上,注定是在任何一方都找不到牢固的话语根基。     

The production of the war criminal cult: Radovan Karadžić and Vojislav Šešelj at The Hague

This article examines how defendants on trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) appropriate the tribunal as a platform for national myth and group making. Specifically, the article analyzes Radovan Karad?i? and Vojislav ?e?elj’s “performances” at The Hague in order to highlight the particular ways in which the defendants craft and mobilize the nationalist narrative. The article introduces the phenomenon of “the war criminal cult” and traces three stages of its production, including the defendants’ collectivization of guilt, epitomization of The Hague as the ultimate enemy of the nation, and construction of “Serbs” as the biggest victims of international justice and of themselves as martyrs befallen with the task of defending the dignity of the nation. The “war criminal cult” is thus “made” in conversation with the “imperial West” in a collective narrative that contests the legitimacy and the intention of The Hague while disguising individual responsibility.     

简论日本战后民族主义文学

日本战后的民族主义文学表现在对侵略战争的认知态度、对日本战败的屈辱感受和右翼民族主义的复兴。日本“战后派”的作品很少反省日本发动侵略战争的责任,相反还存在有意无意弱化甚至掩盖战争“侵略本质”的倾向。以林房雄为代表的右翼作家变本加厉,民族主义思想走向极端化和系统化。随着20世纪60、70年代的经济恢复和高速发展,日本当代文坛“集体失忆”,将目光转向个人内心的不安和日常生活,形成“反抗战后”的文学潮流。20世纪80年代以来,以石原慎太郎为代表的极右作家,强调民族精神,美化侵略战争,谋求世界霸权。战后日本文学民族主义的根底是日本民族优越论。     

Asian Contributions on Democratic Dignity and Responsibility: Rizal,Sukarno and Lee on Guided Democracy

Democracy as political doctrine has its fair share of controversies over the adjudication of rights and the prioritization of the individual over the community. These debates have largely derived from its western genesis. The current stage of global development has however supplied many non-western perspectives on democracy which suggest that any consensus over an identifiable body of democratic thought is likely to witness more sub-diversity than ever before. This article argues that contemporary Asian thinkers on the philosophy of government have a valuable contribution to make to democratic discourse notwithstanding the clichés of the Asian Values debate of the 1990s. By performing a sampled reading of José Rizal, Sukarno and Lee Kuan Yew on their diverse interpretations of guided democracy in a nationalistic context, it will be shown that these three modern Southeast Asian political thinkers would offer some tentative Asian insights on the democracy of dignity and of responsibility.

宪政视野下的大清新刑律——杨度《论国家主义与家族主义之区别》解读

杨度从宪政的高度看待大清新刑律，使得晚清刑法典论争从法理与礼教的问题之争转向国家与家族的主义之争。在时代的语境中，“个人”通过“国民”这一概念而被国家所吸纳，国家主义乃是看不见独立人格的国民主义。杨度以进化论的观点，将家族视为国家之敌，但对破坏家族是否就能培养出合格的新国民，缺乏充分的论证。他的主义之争加剧了新旧两派的裂痕，使得共识难以达成。     

Violated Women,Reason, and Lo Político in the Imaginary of the Guatemalan Nation

Guatemalan newspapers are dappled with the spectre of women's violence and the bodily evidence of the military response that is typical for a woman's transgression of gender roles. Gendered representations of violence – so often repeated in the media – engender particular forms of political agency. This article explores how political violence is imagined with women's bodies and suggests that such violence is always built on pre‐existing cultural practices. It argues that gender categorization is paramount to constructing a modern Guatemalan nation that all too often works to exclude women as knowing participants in Lo Político.     

Can Islamists be secularized? Religion and politics in urban Bangladesh

As in many other Muslim majority states, the Islamist parties play a significant role in the body politic of Bangladesh. Because of their counter-hegemonic modus operandi, the question arises regarding the ability of the Islamists to cohabit democratically in a secular or a quasi-secular political system. The literature on secularization, secularism, and Islam relies on a grand narrative of the reasons to address the question and provides us with polarized answers regarding the Islamists’ ability to accommodate the principle of secularism. However, almost all of the works have been done on the abstract, theoretical level and do not address the interplay of social and political factors in Muslim societies. None of the research on Islamism in Bangladesh addresses Islamist parties’ ability or inability to participate in a quasi-secular, democratic system through acclimating to secularism in the rubric of their political ideology, Islamism. This study therefore examines the grassroots-level socio-political interplays of the Islamist activists with the non-Islamists and analyzes their willingness and ability to accommodate secularism in order to democratically participate in a quasi-secular political system.     

Think territory politically: the making and escalation of Beijing’s commitment to Sovereignize Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands

In popular narratives, intellectual and media analysts believe the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute between China and Japan is a contestation for potential hydrocarbon reserves and other maritime rights which are per se divisible, but nationalism – particularly on China side – and relative power change between the two competing claimants make these territories increasingly indivisible and the dispute war-prone. Based on a review over People's Daily’s coverage of the disputes and other secondary information, this article reveals a different scenario by highlighting the political meanings of disputed territories for national cohesion and regime self-preservation. It finds, Beijing’s strategic moves in the disputes are influenced by its efforts at different occasions to de-legitimate Republic of China at Taiwan and defend its core interests – namely Taiwan and the "One-China" principle, to appease the patriotism in Hong Kong and facilitate the latter’s stable reversion to China in 1990s, and what is more, to rally popular support at home. In addition, Beijing’s Diaoyu/Senkaku strategy did not follow a carefully calculated path, but was mostly reactive to the contingencies and ultimately took shape through the incremental accumulation of previous policies and behaviours.