全文获取类型
收费全文 | 420篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 117篇 |
工人农民 | 8篇 |
世界政治 | 103篇 |
外交国际关系 | 41篇 |
法律 | 16篇 |
中国共产党 | 3篇 |
中国政治 | 18篇 |
政治理论 | 107篇 |
综合类 | 17篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 32篇 |
2017年 | 47篇 |
2016年 | 25篇 |
2015年 | 24篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 104篇 |
2012年 | 49篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 14篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有430条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
41.
The article discusses the reasons for the ten-year delay in the democratic transition in Serbia, focusing in particular on opposition parties and civil society. It argues that the policy of opposition parties was partly responsible for the failure of an earlier fall of the Miloevic regime. While civil society has been similarly weak and divided, the article details how a number of NGOs proved to be crucial in the coordinated campaign which lead to the overthrow of the Miloevic regime in October 2000. 相似文献
42.
网络民族主义的勃兴,是与当代中国社会的深刻变革以及其他社会环境因素的综合效应紧密关联的。它借助网络技术,通过言语行为表达民族主义情绪;它不但以崭新形态备受关注,而且对当下社会生活的影响日益显著,并且已经非自觉地成为我国社会主义民主政治建设的推动力量,尤其在促进公民意识生成、扩大民众政治参与和推动市民社会建构等层面上发挥了独特作用。 相似文献
43.
从1910年泰国拉玛六世登基到1944年披汶·颂堪军人政权的垮台,在这30多年的时间里,泰国统治阶级掀起了泰中关系史上的第一次排华浪潮。可以说拉玛六世最先拉开了排华运动的序幕,创建君主立宪制的民党政府则将排华丑剧推上了舞台,而披汶·颂堪政府则把这出丑剧表演得淋漓尽致。纵观这期间的排华政策,几乎都是以“限制华人政治权利、打压华人经济、阻止中华文化传播”为主线,但在具体措施上略有异同。 相似文献
44.
ABSTRACTIn this paper, Rheindorf and Wodak provide a discourse-historical analysis of extreme-right cultural politics in Austria, ranging from the blatant racism in the speeches of Vienna’s former Deputy Mayor Johann Gudenus (now MP in the Austrian parliament) to the construction of an idealized national body in the election campaigns of the Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ), its programmatic agenda in handbooks and pamphlets, and the performances of far-right pop singer Andreas Gabalier. Rheindorf and Wodak argue that such cultural politics use a wide spectrum of discursive strategies both inside and outside established party politics and that the accompanying production of an ideal extreme-right subject is informed by nativist ideology. The cross-sectional analysis demonstrates that the cultural politics of the Austrian extreme right ranges from appropriated national symbols to coded National Socialist iconography. These politics pervasively construct a gendered and racialized national body, policed by a ‘strict father’ and nurtured by a ‘self-sacrificing mother’, vis-à-vis an apocalyptic threat scenario identified with migration, intellectual and political elites, cosmopolitanism and progressive gender politics. 相似文献
45.
Riad Nasser 《社会征候学》2019,29(2):145-171
The study examines national identity in school curricula against the backdrop of globalization and its forces to create a universal global identity beyond particular affiliations. To that end, the study examines the problematic nature of Western notion of identity formation, and simultaneously asks whether political socialization in the nation-state school system is conducive of the development of cosmopolitan identity, an identity beyond national borders. Jordan, Israel, and Palestine are the three-case studies discussed in this article. Theoretically, the study contributes to the ongoing scholarly debate concerning the question of identity, political socialization, globalization, and nationalism. I make use of postcolonial theories to demonstrate the shortcomings of the logocentric way of theorizing identity as a binary twin, rooted in the relational formation between Self and Other, and search for alternative strategies to identity formation. 相似文献
46.
47.
Hubert Rioux Ouimet 《Regional & Federal Studies》2015,25(2):109-128
Many of the most active regions in terms of commercial paradiplomacy are home to influential nationalist movements: Scotland and Quebec are cases in point. Conversely, many rich and export-oriented regions, such as South East England in the United Kingdom or Ontario in Canada, remain less active, if at all, in this domain. Nevertheless, the influence of nationalism as a driving force behind the practice of commercial paradiplomacy by subnational entities has often been subordinated to other variables such as ‘trade openness’ (exports as part of GDP) or ‘asymmetry’ with national economic interests (export and FDI partners). This article describes the development of autonomous commercial paradiplomacy apparatuses in Quebec and Scotland by focusing on nationalism as a crucial motive, which is also partly responsible for the way such apparatuses developed, through the establishment of organizations and strategies institutionally distinct from those of the ‘rest’ of Canada and the UK. 相似文献
48.
Ondřej Klimeš 《Central Asian Survey》2015,34(2):162-176
This study explains the intellectual history and ideology of the Turkic insurgency and the East Turkestan Republic in Kashgar in 1933–34. Texts in periodicals from the period suggest that the insurgency was defined by its intellectual elites more as a nationalist enterprise than as a religious one. The insurgency's ideologists established important national attributes of the East Turkestani nation, particularly its national name, homeland, symbology, and history, and they also articulated East Turkestani national interests, particularly political independence, representative government, and modernization. Regardless of the arguably low degree of social penetration of the ideas of the elites among common society and the small extent to which policy was actually implemented, the intertwining of East Turkestani national identity and interests with political self-government and modernization was an ideological concept that had a profound impact on all subsequent administrations in Xinjiang. 相似文献
49.
MICHAEL GOEBEL 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2007,26(3):311-318
This article contributes to debates about fascist influences among Argentina’s guerrilla groups of the 1970s. From the overall perspective of developments in Argentine nationalism, it traces back the history of the far‐right Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and Tacuara and assesses their significance as the nuclei from which later guerrillas came. Based on police reports and periodical publications from the period in question (c.1937–c.1973), it makes some generalisations about the collective biographies of militants. While not contradicting the widely held view that originally fascist groupings played a role in the emergence of Argentine guerrillas, the article introduces some nuances into this argument. Particular emphasis is given to the role of Peronism and the Cuban Revolution as facilitators of changes in Argentine nationalism. 相似文献
50.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):112-128
ABSTRACT Pupavac examines the rise of linguistic human rights advocacy and its approach in a case study of language politics in the post-Yugoslav states. A core concern of contemporary linguistic rights advocacy has been to tackle ethnically based discrimination and promote ethnic diversity. It does not only seek to prevent states from discriminating against those who speak minority languages. It expects states to take positive steps to preserve their diversity of languages. However, strategies affirming distinct linguistic identities may become complicit in perpetuating ethnic discrimination and ethnic divisions, as is evident in the language politics of the post-Yugoslav states. 相似文献