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81.
Alexa N. Joyce 《Family Court Review》2016,54(4):642-656
In high‐conflict divorce cases, the emotional toll on the family unit is unquestionably destructive. While the physical and mental health of the children should be the primary focus, the emotional turmoil of a high‐conflict divorce often moves the focus away from the children as parents struggle emotionally and financially. Although the best interests of the children are always in the judicial purview, the repeated, lengthy, and hostile litigation process often associated with high‐conflict dissolution has lasting effects on the physical and mental health of children, similar to those associated with physical abuse and neglect. Child Protective Services (CPS) must step in and protect the emotional well‐being of children during high‐conflict divorce cases. 相似文献
82.
近代西南地区少数民族基督徒群体社会心态探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
目前,学术界对基督教在西南少数民族地区的传播史的研究大多集中在教会活动方面,而对少数民族基督徒群体社会心态研究还很不够。其实他们的社会心态五彩缤纷,互相交织,内容极其丰富。所以,有必要对对其社会心态进行探析,以利于我们更好地把握西南少数民族社会的整体变迁。 相似文献
83.
Brian Masshardt 《East Asia》2007,24(3):319-335
Prime Minister Koizumi’s six consecutive annual visits to Yasukuni shrine played a key role in initiating a new phase of domestic
citizen political mobilization not seen since the early 1970s. This paper is based on field research during the Koizumi years
(2001–2006) centering on domestic groups that conduct activities in “protection” of or “opposition” to Yasukuni shrine. As
a study of street-based politics, this paper seeks to uncover the processes, strategies, and outcomes of citizen responses
to elite political action at Yasukuni Shrine as well as explore meaning of their actions within the context of Japan’s democratic
polity.
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
Brian MasshardtEmail: |
Brian Masshardt is Lecturer, Musashi University, and a Ph.D. Candidate, University of Hawaii-Manoa, whose research addresses the political aspects of Yasukuni in the context of domestic politics and citizen’s movements. His doctoral dissertation, entitled ‘Democracy and Yasukuni: Citizen Reaction to political action at Yasukuni Shrine, 2001–2006’ has served as the basis for conference presentations on Yasukuni and its attendant controversies. 相似文献
84.
Jennifer E. Lansford Ley A. Killeya-Jones Shari Miller Philip R. Costanzo 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(8):1084-1095
Sociometric nominations, social cognitive maps, and self-report questionnaires were completed in consecutive years by 327
students (56% girls) followed longitudinally from grade 7 to grade 8 to examine the stability of social standing in peer groups
and correlates of changes in social standing. Social preference, perceived popularity, network centrality, and leadership
were moderately stable from grade 7 to grade 8. Alcohol use and relational aggression in grade 7 predicted changes in social
preference and centrality, respectively, between grade 7 and grade 8, but these effects were moderated by gender and ethnicity.
Changes in social standing from grade 7 to grade 8 were unrelated to grade 8 physical aggression, relational aggression, and
alcohol use after controlling for the grade 7 corollaries of these behaviors. Results are discussed in terms of their implications
for understanding links between social standing and problem behaviors during adolescence.
相似文献
Jennifer E. LansfordEmail: |
85.
Alexei Shevchenko 《Communist and Post》2018,51(1):63-72
The article attempts to make sense of recent developments in Hungary's relationship with the EU and the US by explicating the logic behind the formation of its post-Cold War identity. The article's central theoretical argument derives from social identity theory (SIT) in social psychology which argues that social groups strive for positive distinctiveness and provides concrete hypotheses concerning the identity management strategies that groups use to enhance their relative position. Extrapolating the identity management techniques predicted by SIT to international politics, I suggest that states may enhance their relative standing by imitating more advanced states (strategy of social mobility), trying to displace the higher-ranked state (strategy of social competition), or finding a new arena in which to be superior (strategy of social creativity). The article argues that Orban's government post-2010 steps in domestic and foreign policy can be conceptualized as attempts to redefine Hungary's identity by moving away from the strategy of social mobility pursued since the end of communism towards the strategy of social creativity. 相似文献
86.
FREDERIC GONTHIER 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(1):92-114
This article investigates the dynamics of support for income redistribution in Europe. With European Social Survey data spanning 2006 to 2012, it assesses whether the Great Recession resulted in substantial parallelism or increasing polarisation in preference change across various sub‐publics. After introducing hypotheses based on claims that social groups are affected differently by economic insecurity, the article proceeds in two empirical sections. First, whereas prior research suggests that hard times fuel diverging attitudinal patterns, it is found that income groups, ideological groups and educational groups did not shift differently over time during the first years of the crisis, thus providing strong evidence for the ‘parallel publics’ hypothesis in the European context and in times of economic turmoil. Next, the article addresses the extent to which change in aggregate support for redistribution came from changes in small minorities of the population, supposed to be more responsive to their economic environment. Using multilevel analysis, it is shown that the most educated significantly contributed to the overall change more than the others. As a result, they may have been partly driving the economic mood during the first years of the Great Recession. 相似文献
87.
88.
J. C. Goldfarb 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(2):143-148
In this paper, I present an analysis of Adam Michnik’s notion of “Amnesty without Amnesia”. His was a wise political judgment
presented at a critical moment in the struggle to constitute a democratic polity in Poland. Mine is an appreciation of his
political position, along with a sociological analysis that highlights the empirical difficulties of its realization in practical
action. I will show how at critical moments of social change creative political action works to erase memories of the relevant
past, which act as a repressive force, while “re-remembering” (to use Toni Morrison’s formulation). Three cases will be compared,
Michnik’s, after the fall of the communist regime in east central Europe, and cases drawn from the Palestinian–Israeli conflict
and the American presidential campaign.
A paper prepared for presentation at Cerisy, France, Summer, 2008. 相似文献
89.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):237-253
Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action. 相似文献
90.
Angela K. Bourne 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2015,38(12):874-883
This article examines the Europeanization of social movements following the European sovereign debt crisis. It develops a theoretical framework to measure degrees of social movement Europeanization, incorporating targets, participants, and issue frame dimensions of mobilization. Europeanization of social movements occurs when they collaborate with similar movements in other countries, claim a European identity, invoke Europe-wide solidarity, contest authorities beyond the state and ascribe responsibility for solving the crisis to European Union (EU). By targeting EU authorities, social movements may contribute to the construction of the EU as a crisis actor and through deliberative processes define the roles and identities of such actors. 相似文献