“科学是年轻人的游戏”?——对科研人员年龄与论文产出之间关系的研究

本文基于一项全国范围内的抽样调查,考察了科研人员的年龄与其论文产出之间的关系,并分析了影响二者关系的个体学术地位(职称、导师资格等)、学科差异和单位属性(类型、科研实力、规模)等诸多因素。研究发现,论文产出并不存在"年轻人优势",反而是年长者的产出更多,这一现象在理工科中更为明显;研究人员所处的单位科研实力越强,其论文产出越多;科研产出的年龄差异更多地可以通过年龄背后的社会性因素加以解释。     

Show them the flag: status ambitions and recognition in small state coalition warfare

ABSTRACT

Why do small states actively contribute to US- and NATO-led military operations? The small state literature has recently developed a novel explanation, referring to their dependency upon the alliance hegemon. The logic is that the small states aim to improve their status and reputation in order to remain relevant and to receive protection. This article contributes to this literature by moving away from this fear of abandonment motivation towards more positive status incitements. It shows how such status motives actually guide and shape small states’ military contributions in US- or NATO-led operations. It does so by using recent innovations in process-tracing methodology to create a status-seeking mechanism. Using the case of Belgium’s participation in the military coalition against ISIL, this article goes beyond the usual Scandinavian suspects in the small state literature and demonstrates that status motivations have relevance for a wider group of small states.     

论检察机关的刑事诉讼主导地位

立足刑事诉讼多元化繁简分流体系,检察机关的刑事诉讼主导地位有广义和狭义之分,前者是指检察机关在办理全部案件过程中发挥主导作用,后者是指检察机关在办理认罪认罚案件过程中具有实质影响乃至决定案件结果的特定权力。借鉴描述大陆法系和英美法系检察权扩张现象的“检察权裁判”理论,狭义的检察机关主导地位才是未来合作式诉讼中检察职权演进的应有之义。审视体现我国检察机关刑事诉讼主导地位的认罪认罚具结、量刑建议和酌定不起诉三个维度,可以发现,目前确立狭义的检察机关主导地位,尚缺乏足够的理念基础与制度支持。未来,随着合作性司法理念渗透至我国刑事诉讼主要领域,立法机关可以前瞻性地从辨析检察权时代内涵、明确认罪认罚从宽制度功能、推进具结准诉讼化改造以及提升内外部监督质量和效果等方面出发,推动狭义的检察机关刑事诉讼主导地位的巩固与发展。     

共犯与身份新论

共犯与身份这一问题把共同犯罪与身份的特殊性结合在了一起。理论界对它众说纷纭,在各国立法例上也差别悬殊。而该问题在司法实践中是不可回避的。我国刑法学界对此的探讨尚不充分,也远没有达成共识。     

中、韩、日三国古代女性社会地位的表现及其异同

本文回顾了中、韩、日三国女性古代社会地位的发展和表现,并对其进行了对比,在此基础上分析了随着儒教的根基性影响及各国本土传统的结合,三国女性古代社会地位在整体相似的基础上出现了怎样的差异。     

1979～2012年中国有关朝鲜半岛问题的研究状况--基于“中国知网”相关文献的分析

本文以“中国知网”收录的有关朝鲜半岛问题的学术文献为研究对象,考察1979 ～2012年中国学界对朝鲜半岛问题的研究状况.在指标上,本文选取论文发表数量的年代分布、论文选题的主题分布、论文发文量居前6位的作者分布、论文发文量居前10位的单位分布、论文发文量居前10位的期刊分布、有关韩国研究和朝鲜研究的变迁对比这6个指标.通过对这些指标的详细考察,结论部分对1979 ～2012年中国有关朝鲜半岛问题研究的趋势和状况进行了基本描述,并从机制建设、研究方法革新、研究侧重点加强等几个层面提出了下一步研究时的建议.     

‘Greatpowerness’ as the key element of Russian self-consciousness under erosion

The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.     

Russia as a great power: Status inconsistency and the two Chechen wars

The article examines Russia as a great power from the point of view of status inconsistency theory. Applications of the theory to Russia have focused on the status accorded to Russia in diplomatic representation and membership of key international organizations, which suggests that Russia is a ‘status overachiever’ in that it has an international status that is greater than its actual capabilities would warrant. However, this article focuses on Russian perceptions of the country's status internationally, especially as reflected in the actual experience of membership in international organizations (OSCE, Council of Europe) and relations with the EU in the context of the two Chechen wars. The article demonstrates that, at least according to Russian assessments, Russia is accorded lower status in these organizations than the great power status which most Russians believe should be theirs. While concluding that status inconsistency is a useful tool for explaining Russian foreign policy behavior, the article notes that differing assessments of what Russia's level of status recognition is pose challenges for status inconsistency theory.     

两岸关系制度化如何处理“台湾当局政治地位”问题

两岸关系和平发展制度化面临的核心障碍是：是否认同“两岸同属一个中国”,以及如何设计两岸都能接受的“一中”法律架构和中央政权架构,而台湾当局的政治地位及两岸关系定位则是争论的焦点所在。两岸在“国号”上的分歧并未改变“两岸同属于一个中国”、“中国的主权以及人民和领土完整并未分裂”的事实,只是中国内战未能彻底结束,导致了“一个中国内两个敌对政权阶段性并存”的格局。笔者认为,在两岸均以谋求国家和平统一为目标的前提下,似可默认在国家统一前双方政权互不隶属,两岸任何一方都不强求对方接受自己作为国内法意义上代表全中国的中央政府,并在国际社会共同维护“一个中国”。未来两岸“统一”的法律目标是：本着相互宽容和谅解的精神,通过平等协商,制定或认可两岸均能接受的、在全中国范围内具有最高法律效力的宪法或宪法性法律,组成能有效管治全中国的中央政府。     

父母的社会地位与社会资本——家庭因素对大学生就业意愿的影响

本文根据地位结构观和网络结构观的视角,基于定量的研究方法验证了父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生求职意愿的影响。主要发现包括,父母的社会地位与社会资本对大学生就业意愿的影响存在显著差异;父母的社会资本对于大学生"从政"意愿影响显著;父母的社会地位对于大学生"入企"意愿影响显著;家庭收入越高,大学生"入企"意愿越高;父亲教育水平越高,家庭社会网络异质性越大,大学生继续深造的意愿越高。